WILLIAM BARTLETT TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Beverly, December 20, 1775.

SIR: I hereby acknowledge the receipt of yours, per Colonel Glover, together with the two thousand dollars; also sundry letters since, concerning giving to the prisoners their private property; which orders, your Excellency may depend on, shall be punctually obeyed, with pleasure, for it always has been very disagreeable to me that any thing should be taken from them, and have done my utmost to prevent it; but it has been impracticable; which I hope your Excellency has heard, from different hands, to your satisfaction. Also your order with regard to the corn and oats on board the sloop Betsy, together with Thomas Mifflin, Esquire's, order for the same. Colonel Glover has since arrived here; who informs me that Mr. Mifflin will not give so much as the cargo will sell for here; and that your Excellency is willing I should dispose of it at this place. I shall therefore wait your Excellency's orders.

I have unloaded the brigantine Hannah, and stowed her cargo at Salem bridge. The coals out of the Concord go off very slow, on account of the price of teams. The butter taken out of her would sell exceeding well here, if your Excellency would think proper to give me orders to dispose of it. The porter on board the ship Jenny is of an inferior quality. I desire your Excellency's orders concerning it.

Am in haste, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

WILLIAM BARTLETT.

To His Excellency General Washington.

GENERAL GREENE TO JACOB GRBENE.

Prospect-Hill, December 20, 1775.

Wallace, I hear, continues a thorn in your side; burning and destroying wherever he can get an opportunity. It is to me a most astonishing thing that the Committee of Newport are desirous of nourishing such a serpent in the bosom of the country. If his depredations were to cease in all parts of the country, there might be some small reason for listening to his propositions. But, for him to obtain his supplies, and grant an indemnity only to the town of Newport, is sacrificing the rest of the Province to the benefit of that town only; for he will be continually committing piracies upon all the islands and shores that he can get footing upon. I think Wallace's conduct has been such, from the insults and abuses he has offered to Government, that it is highly dishonourable to have any further intercourse or commerce with him. Besides, these separate treaties weaken the chain of connection and injure the general interests of the Continent, We must expect to make partial sacrifices for the publick good. I love the Colony of Rhode-Island, and haw ever had a very great affection for the town of Newport; but I am not so attached to either as to be willing to injure the common cause for their particular benefit.

It is a very great unhappiness that such a division of sentiment in political matters prevails in the Colony; it distracts her councils and weakens her exertions. The Committee in the town of Newport, you say, seem inclined to counteract the prevailing sentiment in the Government. It is astonishing that ancient prejudices and selfish motives should prevail, at a time when every thing that is dear and valuable is at stake. I hear some of the inhabitants of Newport are very jealous of the views of the town of Providence; fearing that the latter has in view the destruction of Newport, for their own private advantage. I cannot harbour a thought so derogatory to the patriotism of the people of Newport, as to suppose that such a fear can have any real existence. Can the inhabitants of Newport suppose that the Legislature of the Colony acts upon such absurd principles as to make a sacrifice of one town for the benefit of another?

George the Third's last speech has shut the door of hope for reconciliation between the Colonies and Great Britain. There are great preparations going on in England, to prosecute the war in the spring. We have no reason to doubt the King's intentions. We must submit unconditionally, or defend ourselves. The calamities of war are very distressing, but slavery is dreadful. I have no reason to doubt the success of the Colonies, when I consider their union, strength, and resources. But we must expect to feel the common calamities which attend even a successful war. We are now driven to the necessity of making a declaration of independence. We can no longer preserve our freedom and continue the connection with her. With safety we can appeal to Heaven for the necessity, propriety, and rectitude of such a measure.

I flatter myself the King's speech will induce the Congress to raise one large Continental army proportionable to the extent of our undertaking; to be under one command, and by him directed to the security and preservation of the several united Governments. This will unite and cement the whole strength of the several Colonies. If this method is not adopted, some Governments, from their natural situation, will be subject to fourfold the expense of others, for their own particular security. As we have one common interest in the opposition, and it is merely accidental and uncertain where the enemy may exert their greatest force, I think the Continent ought to provide for the security of every Colony.

Letters were received this day from General Montgomery, near Quebeck. He says he expects to be master of the place in a very little time. He has powder and all kinds of military stores to facilitate the reduction. He and his troops are in good health, and he speaks very highly of Colonel Arnold and his party. Many officers, and a large number of the privates, belong to our Government.

The regiments fill up very slowly here. It is really discouraging. I fear the advantages proposed from so large an armament as our establishment was to consist of, will be defeated by the length of time it takes to fill the army. However, I still hope for better things, and pray God my expectations may not be defeated. If the Congress had given a large bounty, and engaged the soldiery during the war, the Continent would be much securer, and the measures cheaper in the end. The wisest may sometimes err. To profit rightly by past evils is the only right use that can be made of former misfortunes. God grant that our future measures may be so taken as to render our success equal to our wishes.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN VIRGINIA, DATED LONDON, DECEMBER 21, 1775.

I have always been of opinion that our connection with this country ought not to be dissolved. It made me happy to see, by the proceedings of the General Congress, that it was their sentiment; but the bill which has now passed both Houses of Parliament, and will, in a few days, receive the Royal assent, has, by treating the Colonies as enemies, put an end to that question. They cannot be enemies and subjects at the same time. The moment that bill passes, it puts the two countries asunder. It is better so unnatural a measure should move from those Ministers who have been the cause of all the calamities we lament.

America has nothing now to do but to provide for herself. The hostilities the same Ministers are meditating against her, you know, I conceive, will be as ineffectual as they are unwise. If the Ministry can collect twenty thousand men, for the next campaign, they will perform wonders. If they succeed with that number, it will be still more miraculous. If they do not succeed, they will not be able to attempt another campaign.

During the whole of last summer they have offered as high premiums as in the utmost exigency of the last war, and without the least success. The few boys they obtained were a ridicule upon recruiting. It is certain Russia will not furnish them the assistance they solicited; nor the Irish Roman Catholicks be tempted into the service.

Without a miracle, then, they have no chance of ever seeing such an army as that which has found such difficulty in acquiring a single hill in America. Under such difficulties, and with such an army, they are to contend against a numerous American army, trained in one campaign of uncommon activity and vigilance, and against the whole Continent in arms, and actuated by every motive that can make the timorous terrible, and the brave irresistible. Besides this, the scene of war must be in a country impracticable to those who do not know it, and abounding with such advantages to the natives, that, with common prudence, it is impossible for an enemy to advance fifty miles. It is unnecessary to enumerate the thousand other obvious and insuperable difficulties they must encounter. What I have