try, suspected of disaffection to Government, having effects and merchandise in this town, have used and are practising various artifices, by a separation and conveyance of their property to those of the town who pass for being well disposed subjects, to secure the same. As they must be indebted to merchants in Britain for the greater part of such goods, and certainly mean to defraud them in payment, I shall do every thing in my power to stop these proceedings, until I receive your Lordship's particular instructions on this head.

With most perfect respect, I have the honour to be,

W. HOWE.

To the Earl of Dartmouth.

TO THE PEOPLE OF NORTH-AMEHICA.

Philadelphia, December 27, 1775.

Those who have the general welfare of the United English Colonies, in North-America, sincerely at heart, who wish to see peace restored and her liberties established on a solid foundation, may, at present, be divided into two classes, viz: Those who look forward to an independency as the only state in which they can perceive any security for our liberties and privileges, as every measure of the British Government indicates a vigorous prosecution of their unlimited claims—and those who, overlooking the possibility of Lord North's motion being a political manoeuvre, to lull us to rest until he had sufficient time to prepare for an effectual execution of the measures recommended in the address of both Houses of Parliament, believe that it was sincerely intended as a foundation on which a true constitutional union could be re-established, and our liberties remain unimpaired, and, therefore, think it not impossible that Britain and America may yet be united. Though I am far from believing that every man, in both classes, is a sincere well-wisher to American liberty, yet I firmly persuade myself, she has many zealous friends in each, and shall give equal credit to their sincerity. My present design will, I trust, interfere with neither, as I mean only to point out a matter which to me appears, if not absolutely necessary, at least highly expedient; in either case, to throw out some hints which I think important, but which have not been held out to publick consideration.

If the present struggle should end in the total independence of America, which is not impossible, every one will acknowledge the necessity of framing a general plan of connection between the Provinces, or what may be called the Constitution of the United English Colonies. We know of no other way to prevent the many feuds and animosities which may naturally be expected to arise in a country circumstanced like America. If, on the other hand, it should terminate in a reunion with Great Britain, there yet appears so great a necessity of such a constitution, that every good man must desire it; for, draw what line you please, for the present, as long as it shall remain possible for the throne of Great Britain to be filled with an ambitious monarch, and an Administration to be found which will pay no regard to the faith of compacts, and, by having the treasury in its hands, as at this day, can command the force of the nation, there will be no absolute safety for America, but in a union of the Colonies.

We have reason to thank the Divine Ruler of the Universe, that such a union, as has heretofore answered the exigencies of the times, has taken place on every emergency; and we may, without superstition, believe that the Divine counsel to the United Colonies is, "Now is your time to form one general plan of an American Union and Constitution, which shall only dissolve with the last breath of your expiring liberty; which, under my protection, will prove an everlasting barrier against tyrannical encroachments."

And if we will, with hearts sincerely attached to the welfare of mankind, in preference to every thing else, studiously endeavour to ascertain that plan which will most effectually secure the enjoyment of the blessings of heaven to all alike, I doubt not but wisdom from above will enlighten our minds, and enable us to secure ourselves against those latent defects in the constitution of empires, to which they have generally owed their destruction; so that the American empire of liberty may, like the temperate sons of religion and virtue, remain unattacked by the disorders, which bring on a too early dissolution, and after having enjoyed the blessing of perfect health to the last, like them, die of old age. I have often indulged myself with the pleasure of believing, that the part of that admirable statesman's, and divine politician's, the Bishop of St. Asaph's Sermon, delivered before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, on the 19th of February, 1773, which refers to America, was prophetick of what would hereafter happen. And should we lay aside all selfish, interested views, mutual jealousies, and distrust, and pursue the plan of divine and Christian politicks there inculcated, I make no doubt of our being able to correct those errors and defects which are to be found in the most perfect constitution of government which ever the world has yet been blessed with. Conscious of my own inabilities, and earnestly solicitous to see matters, which to me appear of the utmost importance, I long withstood the earnest solicitations of my own mind, and declined offering any thing to the publick; but seeing no prospect of what I so ardently wished for, I at last resolved to throw out a few hints in the best manner I could; and as my only view is to set you a thinking on some points which have not been generally attended to, and if possible, to excite men of abilities and virtue to devote some part of their time to a consideration of what may be the most certain and effectual means of securing to all ranks in society, and to the latest posterity, those blessings and privileges which America in her days of peace and prosperity enjoyed, I should be well pleased to find, that the printers of publick papers throughout the Colonies might hold them, up to the publick view of the people. Solomon says, "Where no council is, the people fall; but in the multitude of counsellors there in safety."

SALUS POPULI.

Philadelphia, December 27, 1775.

I observed on one of the drums belonging to the Marines now raising, there was painted a Rattlesnake, with this modest motto under it, "Don't tread on me." As I know it is the custom to have some device on the arms of every country, I supposed this may have been intended for the arms of America; and as I have nothing to do with publick affairs, and as my time is perfectly my own, in order to divert an idle hour, I sat down to guess what could have been intended by this uncommon device. I took care, however, to consult on this occasion a person who is acquainted with heraldry, from whom I learned, that it is a rule among the learned in that science, "that the worthy properties of the animal, in the crest-born, shall be considered," and, "that the base ones cannot have been intended;" he likewise informed me that the ancients considered the serpent as an emblem of wisdom, and, in a certain attitude, of endless duration—both which circumstances, I suppose, may have been had in view. Having gained this intelligence, and recollecting that countries are sometimes represented by animals peculiar to them, it occurred to me that the Rattlesnake is found in no other quarter of the world besides America, and may, therefore, have been chosen on that account to represent her.

But then "the worthy properties" of a snake I judged would be hard to point out. This rather raised than suppressed my curiosity, and having frequently seen the Rattlesnake, I ran over in my mind every property by which she was distinguished, not only from other animals, but from those of the same genus or class of animals, endeavouring to fix some meaning to each, not wholly inconsistent with common sense.

I recollected that her eye excelled in brightness that of any other animal, and that she has no eye-lids. She may, therefore, be esteemed an emblem of vigilance. She never begins an attack, nor, when once engaged, ever surrenders. She is, therefore, an emblem of magnanimity and true courage. As if anxious to prevent all pretensions of quarrelling with her, the weapons with which nature has furnished her, she conceals in the roof of her mouth, so that, to those who are unacquainted with her she appears to be a most defenceless animal; and even when those weapons are shown and extended for her defence, they appear weak and contemptible; but their wounds, however small, are decisive and fatal: conscious of this, she never