ought to cut off a crowned head as soon as any other, when it becomes tyrannical, and raises rebellion in the State, tending to destroy its well-being.

As to the third question, Whether, all things considered, it is not the indispensable duty of the United Colonies of America, immediately to form themselves into an independent Constitution, or a Republick State? I must pray those men of Issachar, the Members of the honourable Continental Congress, that they have understanding of the times, to know what these Colonies ought to do; to consider whether the present time is not the proper nick of time for it; whether the concurring circumstances in Divine Providence do not make it a present duty for laying a foundation of the well-being of the Colonies for many generations? Many things must be considered, in order to come to a determination; particularly, whether these Colonies are not broken off from the British empire, by the imperious, tyrannical, and usurping claim of the British Parliament, with the Royal assent to it, of supreme authority over the Colonies, to make laws binding on them, in all cases whatsoever; and by the grievous laws, and illegal attacks made, and cruel exertions put forth, in consequence of said claim, which stab, to the very heart, the sacred compacts between the King and the Colonies, in which their allegiance to the King, and union to the empire are founded? It must also be considered, whether, whilst the United Colonies have been crying and praying to the King, as children to a father, for redress of grievances, asking only for children's bread, the stipulated rights and privileges of Englishmen, they have not had in return a stone, a serpent, and a scorpion—their petitions refused, themselves declared rebels—armed ships and troops sent to kill, destroy, lay waste, and spread desolation, by fire and sword, from one end of the Colonies to the other? It must also be considered, whether, there are not grounds to conclude that the King is obstinately set and resolute, and the Parliament determined to pour in troops in battle array against the Colonies next Spring, twenty, thirty, or fifty thousand, or as many as they can procure, of Russians, Hanoverians, and Irish Catholicks, which, if they do, will be followed with much bloodshed, for we will be free, or die? Whether we ought not to prevent the effusion of human blood as much as may be? And, if we should now enter into a Republick State, and declare our ports open for a free trade with every nation but that which is at war with us, whether the other nations will not, especially, such as suffer by the operation of these grievous acts of the British Parliament, cheerfully enter into an alliance with us, for the sake of enjoying our trade, which shall put an effectual stop to the hostile proceedings of the British Parliament against us? It is true, there are some movings in England; the City of London speaks well to the electors. But, what if they should proceed to instruct their Representatives, remonstrate, and petition for a repeal of all the grievous acts, &c., &c, and all the towns, cities, &c., in England should follow their example; it must be considered whether, in this case, we should have the least reason to expect that the Parliament, or the King, would be moved to do any thing to the purpose, so long as a majority of the Members are under the thumb of the Ministry, by virtue of Ministerial pensions or bribes? Whether the Ministers do not know that they will be immediately impeached, and their beards in danger, if the Parliament should redress the American grievances? They know, by experience, that money answers all things, and that they can carry what point they please in the Parliament by the force of it; and nothing there will put a stop to their measures and proceedings, but the rousing of the British Lion—the people's rising and betaking themselves to arms; this would do the business! It must, therefore, be considered, whether we have any reasonable grounds to expect such an event will take place in the time of the present session of Parliament? and though the rising of the people is the only probable expedient for preventing the destruction of the Kingdom, have we not more grounds to fear that the Ministry will, by craft, falsehoods, and the force of money, keep the people quiet and easy till the Kingdom is destroyed, and the Colonies too, if they continue to wait on them? What wait ye for? Is not every month's delay to look to ourselves, and to enter into such a state as proposed, dangerous?

But, if we should soon have intelligence of things in England taking such an unexpected turn, as to set on foot a negotiation for accommodating matters between Great Britain and the Colonies, I would, in that case, earnestly; entreat the Colonies to take heed, and beware of every plan that shall be proposed, to see if it be not calculated to weaken or break the present happy union of the Colonies; or to preserve alive, some way, their claim of supreme authority over the Colonies; as the proposal would, of dissolving the Colony-States, and uniting them all in one state with Great Britain, with liberty to send but an inconsiderable number of Representatives to the Parliament of Great Britain. As the King and Parliament have broken us off from the British empire—drawn the sword offensively, and shed much blood, destroyed our trade, fishery, and a number of our seaport towns, and put us to infinite trouble and expense; it is hoped these Colonies have wisdom and justice enough, for, and in behalf of themselves, not to sit down satisfied with only a repeal of the grievous acts, but insist upon reparation of the damage they have done us; and if the Colonies should ever think fit to enter into compacts again with the King of England, to become his subjects, by receiving Royal charters from him, that they will take care to have the right of choosing all their officers, of making all their laws, and of disposing of all their own property, and taxing themselves only, without being subject to the control of any Stale or Power on earth, whatsoever, stipulated to them in the most express terms. As they have forced us to draw the sword of defence, and make our appeal to Heaven, God forbid that we should sheath it again, but on conditions of enjoying the rights and privileges of men, and of Englishmen, free and clear of any control of the British Parliament,

JOHANNES IN EREMO.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD DARTMOUTH, SECRETARY OF STATE FOR AMERICA.

Philadelphia, January 1, 1776,

MY LORD: You are the Minister of the American Department. You have the character of a religious man, a rare virtue in a modern statesman. It has become my duty and interest to address you on the present circumstances of affairs in America. I know the Americans well; their strongest and ruling passion was their affection to their mother country; the honour, the glory, of Great Britain they esteemed as their greatest happiness; a large portion of the same affection remains; nothing but repeated injuries and injustice could have lessened it. My Lord, from a wanton and avaricious exercise of power, the Ministry of Great Britain have heaped injuries on the heads of the Americans, that no one period of history can parallel.

The practice of the Egyptians, in smothering the children of the Israelites in the birth, the swords of Cortez and Pizarro, who slew millions of innocent Mexicans and Peruvians, the dreadful famine brought by the East-India Company upon the poor East-Indians, must all be brought into one scale, to serve as any sort of balance to the system of desolation that you, and your brother Ministers, are meditating, and daily practising, against the unhappy people of North-America.

The elements, which the Providence of God hath given for all his creatures, you have the presumption to deprive them of. Fire, sword, famine, and desolation, show the vicinity of your fleets and armies; children and servants are animated to rise and slaughter their benefactors. No species of cruelty, which the wit or malice of man or devils could devise, but are practised against the Americans.

Do you believe in God, my Lord, and direct these things? Do you believe that God made America as well as Great Britain? If you do, ponder, consider well, what answer you will give, if you escape punishment in this world, when you come to be questioned before the Throne of God, for the destruction you have made of His creatures, the work of His hands, to whom he granted life and liberty, earth, air and water, equally as to yourself; and yet, presumptuous man, you have dared to counteract His providence! Have you conscience, my Lord? If you have, I would not, for the empire of a thousand worlds, be Lord Dartmouth! But, my Lord, it is not to awaken your conscience only, that I write you this letter; the flame of civil war, by