orders were, "to go out by the Hook, and carefully avoid all men-of-war and tenders," (and which were punctually complied with by your Petitioner,) yet as loading and carrying the said provisions was contrary to the aforesaid resolve, as also to the intention of your honourable House, and the sentiments of the good people of this Colony, and America in general, your Petitioner is truly sensible of his crime in so doing, and sincerely promises not to act, or do any thing, in future, in violation of the said resolve, or any resolves of their or your honourable Houses; and humbly asks the pardon of all his countrymen for this, his first offence, which he hopes may be granted, and that he may be restored to their favour again, and have liberty to pass unmolested about his employments. And your Petitioner will ever pray.

GEORGE COFFIN.

January 3, 1776.

COLONEL TRUMBOLL TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.

Hartford, January 3, 1776.

HONOURED SIR: I am this day informed that several persons, in this State, have, or intend to apply soon to your Honour, for liberty to export rum, &c., to Carolina—to purchase and import rice, to get a great price for it from the Army. The rum will certainly be much wanted for the Army; and I have orders from Congress to import rice, which I shall do with cash, and at a reasonable rate, and thereby save the rum. I trust and beg that no liberty may be given for exporting rum; and I wish not to have the one or the other matter known, as it may enhance the price of rum; and the other get known to the enemy, and thereby the risk increased on the importation.

I am, honoured sir, your dutiful son,

JOSEPH TRUMBULL.

To Governour Trumbull.

[GENERAL WASHINGTON] TO JONATHAN GLOVER.

Cambridge, January 3, 1776.

SIR: You have annexed a copy of the resolves of the Continental Congress, respecting captures made, or to be made, by armed vessels, fitted out at the charge of the United Colonies, and others. In compliance with the resolution of the 20th ultimo, you must, on receipt hereof, libel such vessel as have been taken by the Lee, schooner, or any other of the Continental armed vessels, which may be now under your care, in the Court of Admiralty established in the Colony. You must use all your diligence, that the trial be brought to as speedy an issue as possible, in order that a distribution be made to the captors, conformable to the resolution of the 30th of November.

I am, sir, yours, &c.

JOHN GLOVER TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Beverly, January 3, 1776.

SIR: I am to inform your Excellency, that John Thorner, steward, William Clark, William Wallis, and Thomas Gorthrop, seamen of the ship Jenny, Captain Forster, made an attempt to desert from said ship, and to go on board His Majesty's ship Fowey, (now at anchor before this harbour,) but was discovered and prevented, by information of Andrew Rogers, second mate, and John Roberson, cabinboy, of said ship, whom I have sent as evidence against them.

I would observe to your Excellency, that these persons have been treated with great kindness, and permitted to go at large, which, in my opinion, they have much abused in attempting to desert to the enemy. I have therefore sent them to Head-Quarters, to be dealt with as your Excellency shall think proper.

I am now endeavouring to man the armed vessels, which at present, is very difficult, on account of the men's not being paid off for their past services, which is the only objection they have. Could that be done, I apprehend they would readily engage again. However, hope to man one or two of them in a few days, which nothing on my part shall be wanting to effect.

I am, respectfully, your Excellency's most obedient servant,

JOHN GLOVER.

To His Excellency General Washington.

DOVER (DELAWARE) COMMITTEE.

In Committee, Dover, January 4, 1776.

Resolved, That the keeping up the credit of the Continental currency is essential to support the United Colonies in their virtuous opposition to Ministerial oppression; and that the refusing to take said currency, in payment of debts, &c., will tend to depreciate the value of the same.

Resolved, That it appears to this Committee, by the confession of John Cowgill, a residenter of Little Creek Hundred, in this County, that he has refused, and, from conscience, shall refuse, to take said Continental money in discharge of debts, or for other purposes, when tendered to him.

Therefore, unanimously Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the aforesaid John Cowgill is, by such his conduct, an enemy to his country, and ought to be treated as such by every friend to American liberty; and that they ought to have no further dealings with him.

Signed by order of the Committee of Inspection and Observation for Kent County, on Delaware.

THOMAS RODNEY, Chairman.

THE MONITOR, NO. IX.

There is no opinion more necessary to be universally inculcated and received, than this: That it has been, and still continues to be, the grand aim and intention of the Ministry, to reduce the Colonies to a state of slavery, or, what is, in fact, the same thing, to a state of absolute subjection to the authority of Parliament, in all the plenitude of its imaginary omnipotence. The contrary belief is one great source of the coldness and disaffection which, unhappily, are too prevalent among us at this alarming season. It is this which disinclines numbers to that decisive plan of opposition, which is pursued by America in general, and leads them to a pertinacious adherence to what they term pacifick, moderate, and conciliating measures. It is impossible to conceive that any man in his senses can seriously believe that there is any thing unjust, or oppressive, in the real designs of Administration, and can, notwithstanding, imagine they may be withdrawn from them by complaisance, respect, and humility, on our part. There is a manifest incongruity in the supposition, that deliberate injustice and oppression are to be defeated by a calm appeal to the reason, to the equity, and to the generosity of those who are the authors of them. Force, alone, can be depended on, as an effectual barrier against them, and will always be employed by prudent men and discerning politicians.

Nor was there ever any opinion supported by a series of clearer facts, and more unequivocal circumstances, than the one I now recommend, insomuch that I cannot forbear my astonishment at the obstinate blindness and incredulity of many, in spite of the strongest evidence the nature of the case will possibly admit. No man that governs his judgment by any rational principles, can doubt a single moment, that the views of the Cabinet, respecting America, have all along been the most arbitrary and ruinous imaginable, and that they have, at length, arrived to such maturity, as to call aloud for every exertion a love of liberty, or a dread of impending slavery, can inspire.

The most undeviating uniformity of principle is evident in all the conduct of Administration, from their first attempt to tax the Colonies to the present instant; and, a repetition of its efforts, during a course of years, has served to render its true nature too conspicuous and notorious to be controverted, without the most barefaced absurdity or effrontery.

The matter of taxation is the most exceptionable part of Parliamentary claims. It is this which effectually overthrows every idea of liberty on the part of the Colonies; and it is this, to the establishment of which, in its fullest latitude, every step taken by the Ministry has been immediately directed.

The Stamp Act is an indisputable evidence, that an intention to enslave us did once exist; but it is supposed, by many, that it has been since laid aside, as it was hastily and inconsiderately taken up, and was found, by experience, to be impracticable. But, on what reasons this supposition is founded, is, to me, utterly inconceivable, since it is in direct contradiction to the whole tenor of subse-