magistrate with a reverential awe while clothed with the urim and tummy of freedom and rectitude. They considered juridical courts, until their shameful prostitution, as the sanctum sanctorum, the ark of tabernacles, in which their most valuable treasures were deposited. To these they repaired, like the Israelites of old, to hear from the lips of the judges the great things of the law, and of the testimony.

From whence then were those repeated declarations: That "Government had been so long in the hands of the populace, that it must come out of them by degrees." That "it is not strange that measures should be immediately taken to reduce the Colonies to their former slate of Government and order." That "principles of Government absurd enough spread through all the Colonies." That "the Legislative powers have been influenced by them, and the Executive powers entirely lost their force." That, "there is continual danger of mobs and insurrections." That, ignorant as they be, yet "the heads of a Boston town meeting influence all publick measures." That, "it is not possible this anarchy should last always." That, "it is not possible that provision for dissolving those combinations, and subjecting all who do not renounce them to penalties adequate to the offence, should not be made the first week the Parliament meets;" (meaning the Non-Importation Agreement.) That "the resentment of Parliament will most certainly be placed some where, because I think it ought to be so, that those who have been the most steady in preserving the Constitution, and opposing the licentiousness of such as call themselves Sons of Liberty, will certainly meet with favour and encouragement." That, "if no measures are taken to secure the dependance, or nothing more than some declaratory acts or resolves, it is all over with us." That, "the friends of Government will be utterly disheartened, and the friends of anarchy will be afraid of nothing, be it ever so extravagant." That "all the aid you (meaning Great Britain) can give to the officers of the Crown, they will have enough to do to maintain the authority of Government, and to carry the laws into execution. If they are discountenanced, neglected, or fail of support from you, they must submit to every thing the present opposers to Government think fit to require of them," &c., &c. The reader will recollect, that the letters from whence these extracts were taken, were officiously wrote in the years 1768 and 1769, during Governour Bernard's administration. That it is a part of the same dark scheme that has since grown into more open exertions. The observations and inquiries upon these extracts, that naturally present to view, are many and obvious; but lest I should anticipate the judgment of my readers, I waive the fertile subject. By his unremitting assiduity, and the force of banded auxiliaries, these egregious falsehoods are imposed upon the willing credulity of the best and the most discerning of Kings, i. e. the reigning Prince. Having thus treated the offence, and fixed the imputation; the next step is to devise an adequate remedy for an evil that never existed. The grand difficulty in the mind of our Jesuitical politician, was to establish the barriers against popular efforts, and to take from the body the power of thinking; to silence the voice of mankind, to lay the political spirit at rest, and to confine their active virtues in chains and in fetters. At all events, there must be an abridgement of English liberties. Power that the wisdom of the Constitution had placed in the hands of the subject must be transferred to lawless usurpers.

Not to mention the Royal bribes he received as first pensioner; his overbearing insolence in power; the many black scenes he ran through for the sake of greatness; his inglorious contempt of the two branches of the legislature, and of men much better than himself; his gross partiality to the avowed enemies of constitutional rights; his virulence to all who opposed his destructive measures; and his outrages, when as First Justice of the Province, with a band of red coats, he attacked in a riotous and tumultuous manner the house of manufacturing, and attempted violently to wrest it from the hands of its only proprietor, to make it a place of arms, a cage for mercenaries, the strong hold of civil robbery, and the grave of every principle of justice and of law, both human and divine. This was enough to evince the eminent villany that lurked in the folds of his forehead, or the doublings of his heart; and the complacency with which he reflected upon the crimes he had perpetrated, proved him steeled against the keenness of remorse; that a pension had fettered his soul, that corruption had polluted his lips, and that he was equally eager to sacrifice every sentiment of equity, and principle of social freedom, to the force of arms.

ROBERT C. NICHOLAS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Virginia, February 3, 1776.

DEAR SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your very obliging favour by Captain Matthews. Tour former letter, in answer to mine, by Mr. Byrd, I received in due time, and took the earliest opportunity of recommending it to our Delegates to fix upon some method to defray the expenses incurred by this country in the Northern Colonies, This they tell me that they have not been able to effect, so that I have been obliged to stretch my own credit in England to furnish them with bills of exchange for their immediate purposes. I particularly recommended to them to try at reimbursing you, what you might be in advance for Mr. Byrd, but I do not believe they have had it in their power yet. Indeed, I know they have been obliged to borrow money towards paying for arms, &c., purchased for us at Philadelphia. These inconveniences, however, I hope will soon be remedied, as the Congress hath agreed to take part, at least, of our troops on Continental pay, which will enable us to exchange our money for that of the Continent. Indeed, considering our Union in other respects, it has been matter of wonder to me, that our currency should want equal credit in other Colonies. I shall write to Colonel Harrison about Mr. Byrd's affair, and desire the favour of you to send him Mr. Byrd's account.

I cannot but condole with you on the loss of General Montgomery, and the other brave officers and soldiers before Quebeck. This will be matter of great triumph to our enemies, but I hope of not long continuance.

Our sentiments on the situation of this country, and the measures necessary to be pursued, coincide exactly; but we are much puzzled how to manage those amphibious animals we have to deal with. The different occurrences here, you no doubt have pretty regular accounts of through the channel of our newspapers, as the printers never fail publishing every incident of the least importance. Ton must have heard of the destruction of the greater part of Norfolk by the men-of-war, and their infernal crews, and I expect that the remains will soon be laid in ashes.

I hope your lady is safe, and well with you. I beg my respectful compliments to her, Mr. Custis and his lady. That the Almighty may take you and your whole corps under his protection, and crown your endeavours to preserve the liberties of America with success, is the ardent wish of, dear sir, your affectionate and most obedient servant,

ROBERT C. NICHOLAS.

To General Washington.

MARYLAND COUNCIL OF SAFETY TO STEPHEN WEST.

SIR: The Council of Safety have been informed that you have a number of gunlocks to dispose of; if that be the case, you will be pleased to let them know by the first opportunity what number you have, and the price; also, whether they are single or double-bridled locks. You wrote for an order on the Treasury for powder delivered the Committee; send up their receipt for the quantity delivered, and your order will be made out at any time, when your receiver may attend for the cash. We are, &c.

To Mr. Stephen West.

TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

Philadelphia, February 3, 1776.

When the little pamphlet, entitled "Common Sense," first made its appearance in favour of that so often abjured idea, of independence upon Great Britain, I was informed that no less than three gentlemen of respectable abilities were engaged to answer it. As yet I have seen nothing which directly pretends to dispute a single position of the author. The oblique essay in Humphreys's paper, and solemn Testimony of the Quakers, however intended,