of the people with a degree of cheerfulness proportioned to the prospect he has of handling it through the fingers of corruption. The freeman sells the importance he possesses in the state for the good of himself and his neighbours, for a belly full of porter, and gives his vote to the man, who by the largess he offers, shows he is the most unfit person in the nation to be possessed of the trust, Thus men, guilty of the worst of vices, possess the places of power and trust, which ought to be filled by none but those of the greatest integrity and virtue. And the consequence is, that the nation is ruled- with a rod of iron, and there is no part of the empire free from oppression. Her princes are corrupt, her nobles degenerate, and the representatives of the people are bought and sold. The Government moves on the springs of iniquity, and the measure of their conduct is directed alone by their power of execution, and not by justice or equity; so that it is, perhaps, impossible in all history, to produce a more complete stale of corruption in Government. Omnia sunt venalia Romæ, is nothing to this, for bribery is descended to the lowest dregs of the nation, and nothing is free from the touch of its pollution. The omnipotence of the Almighty is arrogated by men who rule with the tyranny of the Devil. This is Great Britain's true, but melancholy condition. The eye of partial affection may cast a veil over it; but ingenuity and candour will acknowledge the facts. Tell me, then, ye devotees of religion, the intentions of God to a nation like this, and point out the advantages of being reconciled to such a Government.

Suffice this, for the present, on the part of the state of Great Britain. Now let us return to the conduct of Providence towards these Colonies.

Shortly before the present contest began, the Divine counsel and wisdom permitted Great Britain and France to carry on a long and bloody war in this country, whereby the whole was reduced under the power of Great Britain, many of us were trained to arras, and all familiarized to a war at our doors, and taught to view, without dread or dismay, the banners of hostility waving in the air.

Through the course of this war, we gave such incontestible proofs of our loyalty and affection, as drew from Great Britain the most unequivocal acknowledgments of the same, and having performed more than could be reasonably expected of us, she returned large sums which she then thought we had expended beyond our just proportion. In this situation of affairs, we had reason to expect that we should meet with nothing but the warmest return of gratitude for our services. But they, who wasted that time and treasure in folly and dissipation, which ought to have been expended in acts of gratitude and praise for the unmerited favours of Heaven in the success of the war, would scarcely remember what they owed to their fellow-subjects. Accordingly, our limbs were scarcely rested from the toils we endured in her service, until we were called upon to exert ourselves against her oppressions. And for more than twelve years we have laboured by prayers, entreaties, non-importations, and every other peaceable mode of opposition to prevent her enslaving us but all to no pupose. Our petitions from Assemblies and Congresses, from Towns and Provinces, and from separate and united bodies of men, were all of no avail. The King despised and rejected them: the Parliament treated them with contempt, and the people, disregarding the justice of them, moved not in our behalf. Thus after affectionately assisting Great Britain through a very bloody, dangerous, and expensive war, and after a twelve years unsuccessful endeavour to remain reconciled to her on principles of right, equity, liberty, and consanguinity, we are at last reduced to the necessity of becoming independent, and entering into a war with her to preserve our privileges.

The American quit-rents can do little as yet, but in a few years they alone would provide the King with a fund sufficient to raise and support any army necessary to enslave us, let us then be united to Britain on what principles we please. We are at present such a numerous, sober, hardy, and industrious people, as in all ages have been the ablest to contend with, and most successful in opposing tyranny and oppression. How long we may remain so, is only known to the Deity. All parties, even the Ministry itself, agrees that we must one day become independent, and to become independent without a struggle for it, is absurd to imagine. We have now gone through the first year of the war, which may forever put a period to the contention. When we seriously consider the foregoing chain of events, and our present happy union, it is impossible to imagine a conjuncture more favourable to the independence of this country. Less than Divine wisdom could scarcely have fixed on a fitter occasion; and I may defy any person to point out one link of the foregoing chain which can well be wanted at the lime an independency is to take place. Any one who considers these things attentively, and recollects how many opportunities she has had of setting every thing right at no greater expense than hearkening to our prayers, and repealing a few obnoxious acts, must believe, that the designs of Providence in this affair are not trivial. God, it is generally acknowledged, sends no extraordinary messenger on an ordinary errand. We may, therefore, safely believe, that all this is not for the breaking up of a junto, or gratifying the ambition of a Prince. No, brethren, it cannot be so. You will say it is a judgment of God upon us for our sins. Be it so. It is like all his other judgments sent upon a people which has not yet been incorrigible. It is a judgment in mercy, which will leave us infinitely better than it found us, if we remain not invincibly attached to a people from whom we receive little besides the contagion of vice and folly, not to say slavery and oppression.

The peace, happiness, and prosperity we once enjoyed in connection with her, is as small a proof of any obligation we are under to seek a reconciliation, as an old friend-ship and correspondence would be, that we ought to seek a cell in Bedlam with an ancient acquaintance. Her own madness and folly have driven us from her, and God has mercifully secured our retreat. It would be rendering ourselves unworthy of His future protection to throw ourselves back upon her. She is not now what she was in those happy days of former connection, nor can we remain the happy people we then were, if we seek a reconciliation. Circumstances are materially altered.

It need not be asked, Are we able to support the measures which will secure independency? The answer is plain and easy. Though all the world may think we are not, yet, God, it appears, thinks otherwise. I say, God thinks otherwise, because every part of his providential proceedings justifies the thought. We may then know what part we ought to take. God does the work, but not without instruments, and they who are employed are denominated his servants; no king nor kingdom was ever destroyed by a miracle which effectually excluded the agency of second causes. Even Herod, himself, was devoured by vermin. We may affect humility in refusing to be made the instruments of Divine vengeance, but the good servant will execute the will of his master. Samuel will slay Agag; Moses, Aaron, and Hur will pray in the mountain; and Joshua will defeat the Canaanites.

A RELIGIOUS POLITICIAN.

GENERAL LEE TO GOVERNOUR THUMBULL.

Head-Quarters, New-York, February 7, 1776.

SIR: The late resolve of the Continental Congress, putting every detachment of the Continental Army immediately under the direction of the Provincial Congress or Committee of Safely where such detachment were to act, and of course the uncertainty of my being admitted into this city with the troops under my command, induced me to send Colonel Ward's Regiment to their respective homes, and thereby to save a very considerable immediate expense to your Colony, and ultimately to the whole United Colonies. Contrary to my expectations, we are not only admitted, but it is determined to take strong possession of the city as well as of its most important environs; in short, to put the Province in such a situation as to render any attempts of the enemy to establish themselves in it ineffectual. For this purpose, some additional battalions are ordered to be levied in this Province. But from the great scarcity of men, and greater of arms, I apprehend it will be a considerable time before they can be completed and equipped in such a manner as to form a corps in whom any great reliance can be placed; the enemy may, perhaps, very soon appear, and we ought immediately to be ready to receive them. I could, therefore, sir, wish, that if Colonel Ward's Regiment is not already disbanded, and your