much In twenty years now, as would enable us, with the I Divine assistance, to finish the present war with success, and protect our trade in a state of independency for five: hundred years to come.

Let us for once suppose an independency, that we may observe the consequence. We should then trade with every nation that would trade with us; i. e. with every nation in Europe at least. Suppose we were attacked by some foreign Power in this state of independency, (for this is the bugbear,) what then? The nation that would be fool enough to do it would raise a hornet's nest about its ears; for what nation would stand by, and without a murmur see itself cut off from the source of trade it enjoys with America, which would be the case were we once subdued. No. Every nation which enjoyed a share of our trade would be guarantee for the peaceable behaviour and good conduct of its neighbours; and Great Britain herself would twenty years hence become a firm friend and ally, if her friendship could then be worth the acceptance, for the twentieth part of that trade she now affects to despise. But it could never be the interest of any other nation to make war upon was after we had obliged Great Britain to let us alone. Can it ever be the interest of America to make war upon Europe? No more can it be the interest of any Power in Europe to make war upon America after she has fought herself into a state of independency. To ask what should we do for fleets to protect our trade, it is as absurd as to ask if timber grows in America. During the present war we need fleets, and it may be owing to the weakness of human counsels, that we entered so late into any measure for that purpose. Had we fitted out sixty or seventy of our best sailing vessels, and the moment the King's ships seized the first of our vessels legally cleared out, sent them off to the West-Indies, with orders to seize every English vessel that came if their way, we would not now be insulted by fleets on our coasts, nor our towns be daily in danger of being reduced to ashes. They would have had something else to busy themselves with. But the war once over, fleets to protect our trade will be nearly unnecessary. Our trade will protect itself. It never will be the interest of any nation to disturb our trade, while we trade freely with it; and it will ever but; our interest to trade freely with all nations. As long as the wide Atlantic Ocean rolls between us and Europe, so long will we be free from foreign subjection were we once clear of Great Britain; and as long as we remain free from foreign subjection, so long will our trade protect itself.

Our situation, in this respect, is peculiar to ourselves; we have no haughty neighbouring tyrant to disturb our internal repose, and the fleets of no nation will disturb us on the high seas, while a commercial intercourse subsists between us. The consequence of independency to America, if she makes a right use of the present occasion, will be a perfect state of political liberty, a good, sound, wholesome: Constitution, a free and enlarged trade, and peace to the end of time, unless our sins should bring down the Divide vengeance upon us. That of a connection with Great Britain on the principles of our former dependancy is a weak, feeble, unwholesome Constitution, unable to stand against the slightest shock, a very restricted losing trade, and the prospect of being made the seat of every war between Great Britain and France as long as that connection shall last.

Every prospect of the future strongly invites us to embrace independency; and what is of the greatest weight With me, every Providential occurrence, for more than twenty years past, seems preparatory to it. The last war trained many of us to the use of arms, and taught us to look steadfastly into the face of an enemy, the conqueror of Canada, with the Canada Bill, a twelve years struggle against oppression to wean our affections, our present: happy and unexampled union, and a successful end of the first campaign of a most righteous war against the oppressions of the state we depended on, have fixed the time for that independency, which even the present Administration acknowledges must one day take place. The voice of God, therefore, to America appears at present to be, "If you Will remain free and happy, if you wish not to entail a civil war or slavery on your offspring, if you spill not your blood at present in vain, and despise not what I have been doing for you these twenty years past, though you know it not; fix a Constitution which will give perfect liberty to all my people now in, or that hereafter shall fly to America for shelter from tyranny and oppression, and declare for independency immediately, and put your trust in me alone for success."

SALUS POPULI.

P. S. In another irregular number I propose to show you that the notion of the Colonies quarrelling among themselves is absurd, and that this can never take place, except in one case, which it is our present duty and business effectually to guard against.

A GENTLEMAN OF PUBLICK CHARACTER, TO HIS FRIEND IN MASSACHUSETTS.

February 14, 1776.

MY DEAR SIR: I was favoured about a week ago with your letter, and shall be much obliged at any time when you are at leisure, to let me know how 'matters are going on. I shall be very happy to hear that the Provincial Army gets possession of Boston; but I heartily wish that no attempt may be made without the utmost probability of success. I have given great attention to history, to the strength and policy of States, and the conduct of their contentions one with another; and I find many more misfortunes that may be attributed to the want of prudence, than the want of courage. It is never, in any instance, the interest of both parties to fight; and, in the present case, I think our security and glory lies in acting on the defensive. Our enemies are on hostile ground; time eats them up almost as fast as Great Britain sends them. The past campaign has been so reproachful to them, that you see mention made of it in the Protest of the House of Peers, almost in the same terms that I have done in many of my letters.

I placed great confidence in the prudence and firmness of General Washington on his first election, and his conduct has fully justified my expectations. The Army has been kept in excellent order; the country has been fully satisfied; human blood has been spared; and yet, our enemies have been, and are now, in the most disgraceful situation. The true knowledge of defensive war is the attainment of modern times. If the Romans had understood this art, as well as they did bravery in the field, do you think that Hannibal would have gained the victory at Cannœ And, after that expensive lesson, Fabius defeated him entirely, by only taking the advantage that nature had given him. I do not think that advantage was ever more on the side of any people than it is on that of America just now. We are sure to beat England, if we only take care that they do not beat us. It is the circumstances of our distance and unanimity that constitute our chief strength, together with their great ignorance of America, and uniform wrong judgment in every particular. The present Parliament seems not to be a whit wiser, for all that has happened. They have voted twenty-five thousand men, which, I affirm not to be at all sufficient for the conquest of Connecticut alone, provided that neither men nor provisions are sent from the other Colonies. They talk very much of the power of Great Britain, and it is a powerful state; but there are limits to every human power; and, if Britain attempts any project against the nature of things, I know well enough who will get the better.

In this country, we begin to apprehend that New-York will be the scene of action. Not much has yet passed worth relating; the best thing I can say to you is, that the spirit and unanimity of the country is as great, or greater, than ever.

I am, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant.

GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

New York, February 14, 1776.

DEAR GENERAL: I should have written to you more constantly, but really had no means of conveying my letter. A Mr. Buchannan and Tolby, bound for Head-Quarters, will deliver you this. You will excuse the conciseness, as my time is short.

The Governour and Captain of man-of-war had threatened perdition to the town, if the cannon was removed from the batteries and wharves; but, I ever considered their threats