it requisite, in support of their late adopted measures,) to represent me in the very opposite light to what they were pleased to do but a few months before: yet there is not one amongst them that ever viewed my conduct with an impartial eye, but is sensible that every transaction of my administration proceeded from a heart that never yet entertained a thought which was not meant for the real happiness and well-being of this Colony. This ever having been my first object, the very moment 1 received my despatches, last year, I called the Assembly, to lay before them the resolves of the House of Parliament, not doubting then but they would have been received, by every well-wisher to his country, with transports of joy. Now, having received His Majesty's most gracious speech, I catch at it with the greatest pleasure. The last sentence it contains, wherein he says: 'It may be also proper to authorize persons so commissioned to restore such Province or Colony, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such Province or Colony bad never revolted,'-I say, I catch, with the greatest avidity, at this generous, this humane, this truly noble sentiment, again to offer every exertion of my poor abilities to procure, by any means that shall be thought most advisable and honourable, permanent, speedy, and happy reconciliation between this Colony and its parent state. I wish to God they may reflect before they draw upon them the wrath of that powerful though merciful people, and by that means involve this once most happy land in all the horrors of a most destructive civil war; wherein, were they as successful as the most sanguine amongst them could wish, could only end in their inevitable destruction. What, then, have they to hope for, and what have they not to fear, by a perseverance in this most ruinous and unnatural contest? Should the rulers of the people prove as well disposed to return to their duty, as I know the bulk of the Colony are, they will embrace the favourable opportunity that now offers. But should they be so infatuated as to mean totally to throw off all allegiance to the best of sovereigns, and connections with the state that has fostered them with the most paternal care, their memories will be handed down to the latest posterities as most undutiful and ungrateful.

"Sir, a thorough conviction of your warm attachment to this your native land, and your admiration of that truly excellent Constitution and Government under which you have so long and happily lived, as well as your love for ouv most benign Sovereign, induces me to trouble you with the above tender of my services to this Colony. And I beg you will assure whomsoever you shall think proper to lay this before, of my willingness to undergo any fatigue or difficulty for the accomplishment of its happiness.

"I have now only to entreat, that my sincere endeavours to effect a reconciliation between this and the parent state may be enforced by every exertion of your best advice and assistance; and that both may succeed, is the ardent wish of, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

"DUNMORE."

On consideration whereof, the Committee ordered the following Letter to be written to Colonel Corbin, which was delivered to him, viz:

"February 19, 1776.

"SIR: The Committee of Safety have considered the letter to you from Lord Dunmore, which you referred to them. You, sir, who are so well acquainted with the sentiments of the country we at present act for, must be satisfied they would be made exceedingly happy by a just and honourable reconciliation with Great Britain, without the further effusion of blood; but we are not authorized or inclined to intermeddle in the mode of negotiation to effect this desirable purpose. The Continental Congress have, in their last petition to the Throne, besought His Majesty to point out some mode for such negotiation; and if Administration are disposed to heal this unnatural wound in the empire, they will embrace that occasion (which, probably, will be the last) of accomplishing it. At all events, any other steps to be taken must proceed from the Representatives of the Continent, and not from us. We shall, however, commu-picate the contents of this letter to the House of Burgesses, who meet by adjournment the first of March, and submit the matter to them, in case there should then be members enough to proceed to business, or as soon after as such a number can be convened. In the mean time, if his Lordship has it in bis inclination and power to serve the Colony, and avoid making the breach still wider, it may be manifested by his suspending hostilities against the inhabitants, until the ultimate intentions of His Majesty are known respecting any negotiation.

"We have the greatest confidence, sir, in your attachment to the real interests of America, and are satisfied your having communicated the contents of this letter to us proceeds from the best motives; and are, with great regard, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, for self and Committee.

EDMUND PENDLETON, President."

After which Colonel Corbin, with the entire approbation of the Committee of Safety, proceeded with a flag of truce on board the Dunmore, to hear, what his Lordship had to propose on the subject-matter of his Letter. Colonel Corbin, on his return, informed the Committee he had read their Letter to him before Lord Dunmore, and in the presence of General Clinton; who said he believed there was nothing America could ask, in a constitutional way, that would not be granted, but if they relied on the General Congress, they bad nothing to expect from Parliament. Upon this Colonel Corbin proposed to Lord Dunmore to grant a commission to the President for meeting the As-sembly, at the time they had adjourned to, which his Lordship refused; so that his Letter cannot, as was proposed, be laid before the House of Burgesses, they having no right, by their Constitution, to proceed to any business without a representative of the Crown, nor did Lord Dunmore suggest any other mode in which a negotiation could be set on foot, in what he might call a constitutional way.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A MEMBER OF THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, TO HIS FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED FEBRUARY 20, 1776.

Some people among us seem alarmed at the narne of Independence, while they support measures, and propose plans, that comprehend all the spirit of it, Have we not made laws, erected courts of judicature, established magistrates, made money, levied war, and regulated commerce, not only without His Majesty's intervention, but absolutely against his will ? Are we not as criminal in the eye of Britain for what we have done, as for what we can yet do? If we institute any Government at ail, for God's sake, let it be the best we can; we shall as certainly be hanged for a bad as a good one; for they will allow nothing for the waverings of filial tenderness, it will be all placed to the account of blundering ignorance If, therefore, we incur the danger, let us not decline the reward. In every other instance, independence raises an idea in the mind that the heart grasps at with avidity, and a feeling soul never fails to be stricken and depressed with the very sound of depen-dance. If in a private family, the children, instead of being so educated as to take upon them the function of good citizens, should be brought to years of maturity, under the apparel, food, and discipline of infancy, what laws, natural or civil, would acquit the parent or the child of infamy and criminality? A set of great lounging infants, tied to mamma's apron, with long bibs and pap-spoons, at two-and-twenty, would put the Sabarite to the blush. Now, as every moral virtue or vice, almost, is vastly enhanced, when considered in its relation to the community as well as individuals, I insist upon it, that he who would keep a community in a state of infantile dependance, when it became a fit member of the great Republick of the world, would be vastly more criminal and infamous, than the imaginary family I mentioned before. Whenever I have been an advocate for dependance, I have felt a conscious want of publick virtue; I own it arose from laziness in me; I was willing to brush through life as I began it, and to leave the rooting out the thorns and thistles, as well as the harvest of the laurels, to posterity; and this, I think, was the case of most of us; but now, that we have gone through the rough work, to desert the glorious prospect it opens to us, would be heretical, damnable, and abominable, even to a sensible Pope. No, my friend, it is a duty of much moment to us as men, and of the last degree of magnitude as citizens, to maintain, at every risk, a perfect independence