instant, I mentioned that I was sorry to find that there were come but forty-two hundred and seventeen pounds of powder, instead of six or eight thousand I had expectations of. 1 had taken my information from Governour Cooke's letter, which, upon a reperusal, I find mentions that weight, including the casks. I have since had it weighed by the Commissary, an exact return of which you have enclosed, by which you will see that the net weight is three thousand five hundred and seventy-seven pounds; five hundred and seventy-seven pounds thereof will be placed to the credit of your Colony, and the whole settled for in whatever manner will be most agreeable.

I have just received a letter from J. Huntington, Esq., with the agreeable account of his having forwarded two tons of powder to this camp, by your order. Accept, sir, of my thanks for this seasonable supply. When it arrives I shall send you an account of it, and, when you point out the mode, it shall be paid for, or replaced, in the manner you and the rest of your Legislature shall think proper.

I have nothing new at present to communicate to you from hence, but you may be assured that I am, with great esteem, sir, your most obedient servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

To Governour Trumbull.

JOHN LANGDON TO NEW-HAMPSHIRE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.

Portsmouth, February 22, 1776.

GENTLEMEN: I have just enrolled nearly one hundred men in the Ship-Yard, and have ordered every man to attend the muster at an appointed time, with a good firearm, powder, and ball, some of which are already completely equipped; but, as there is no powder to be had, only what is in the publick stores, would submit it to the consideration of the honourable Committee, whether it would not be best to order that those men who are not supplied already, to be supplied by the publick, when occasion requires, or, if it is best, for each to appear with one half pound of powder in his horn, for which a receipt to be taken, and if it is not returned, or made use of against the enemy, to pay double of the value at this time, which I will stop out of their wages; which I think will effectually prevent waste, and put those who have no powder upon the same footing with those who have but their own ammunition. 1 think I may with safety serve the Colony in this matter, and not in the least interfere with the Continental business. I should be glad to have some answer from the honourable Committee relative to this matter, as 1 have ordered every man to be ready for mustering by such a day, and should be glad to have every man furnished.

I am, with great respect, your most obedient servant,

JOHN LANGDON.

To the Honourable Committee of Safety of the Colony of New-Hampshire.

Williamsburglh, Virginia, February 23, 1776.

Two paragraphs from Lord Dunmore's Virginia Gazette, (as he calls it,) printed on board his own ship, February 3d, 1776, may serve to show us what is the wish, and, we should presume, the intention of the Ministry:

"I hope that the British spirit is not so debased, that, for a little temporary interest, and precarious tranquillity, you will give up your dignity and honour, and render your nation contemptible in the eyes of all Europe. No, let them feel what it is to provoke and insult a great and powerful people, who have so lately astonished the world by their achievements. When they return to their duty and sue for pardon, let the conditions be: lay down your arms, deliver up your leaders to just punishment, retire quietly to your homes, and submit to the Legislature of your parent state.

"Do not sink, my Lord, under the glorious struggle; let not ignominious accommodation with our rebellious and ungrateful Colonies fade and tarnish your country's glory, and efface the remembrance of your former great conduct; let difficulties animate you to the utmost exertion of your powers. You have the confidence of your Sovereign, the support of the most independent Parliament that ever sat

with in those walls; you have the warmest approbation of every wise and good man, the body of the nation is with? you, and you may command their natural force."

It is true, these are only extracts from the Publick Advertiser, but they were addressed to Lord North, and have a strong resemblance to his and the King's speech; and I will remark here, by-the-by, that these extracts were published and circulated by Lord Dunmore seven days after the date of his friendly letter.

A writer [in Dunmore's Gazette] who signs himself Candidus, supposed to be one Finlayson, a young Scotchman, formerly a shopkeeper in this city, who was genteelly caned by a certain Captain, some time before Captain Foy left the country, introduces the letter, from which the above extracts are made, in an elaborate piece, in which he complains of the publication of falsehood and concealment of truth, in all the newspapers except the one his Lordship has pressed into his service, (and a few others,) and which Candidus is supposed to superintend.

"I must do you, sir, the justice [says he to his printer] to say, that your press does not come within the description above given, being, undoubtedly, much in favour of American measures; it is the more necessary at this time, in order to give room for such truths and wholesome advice, as cannot otherwise be conveyed to the ears of the people, or is not, through the prostitute presses at present on the Continent. I am insensibly drawn into these reflections, while 1 meant to convey to you the following paper to be published, from the Publick Advertiser."

But, to return to the subject of a reconciliation: America, finding that the British Parliament, not content with restraining her trade within the most narrow bounds, had proceeded to drain her, by internal taxes, of the little circulating cash she had, remonstrated and petitioned in vain against such unjust and oppressive acts, and resolved "to contract herself within her little sphere, and be contented with her homespun," and, to use the words of the Virginia Petition to the King, this is all we did, and all we threatened, and for this the vengeance of an avaricious and tyrannical Administration has been poured out upon us. The national debt is so enormous, the expense of dependants and pensioners so heavy, that the Ministry could not think of leaving it to America to determine what part of it she would pay off"; they thought they should slick at nothing to carry into execution the plan they had so much at heart, and which would make them absolute masters of the property of every man in America, to the lightening of their own burdens, the satisfying their avarice, and gratifying their lust of power. Hence, they could not scruple to encourage Indians, and Slaves to assist in their bloody plan of crushing and enslaving us.

It is evident that Administration, whatever it may do now, never wished for an accommodation; every step that they have taken was evidently calculated to preclude all hopes of it; it was their interest, wish, and intention, on the supposition that they could conquer America at a little risk and small expense, to force us into rebellion, to have a pretence for subduing and enslaving us, and glutting their avarice with the forfeited estates in America. As the Ministry could not wish for an accommodation before their disappointment, we have some reason to be on our guard during the negotiation, especially as they seem determined to send out a powerful armament with their Commissioners. They are determined to treat with us with the sword at our breasts; we should, therefore, be armed with a shield, and, with drawn swords, be ready to parry the thrusts which may be made at us, if we should refuse to submit to some insulting proposal.

Let no one think me an enemy to accommodation; I only caution my countrymen against being thrown off their guard, for I confess I suspect the sincerity of the Ministry. What occasion have they to send over Commissioners, fleets, and armies, if they intend to repeal the acts we complain of? We asked but for" peace, liberty, and security," and promised to disband our troops and return to a full and free trade with Great Britain, if the King would recall his troops and the Parliament repeal the obnoxious acts. What requests could be more reasonable? What easier for Britain to do ? If this had been done, all would be right; there could be no room for fears and suspicions on our part, and we should have been bound in honor, and