stood, that they have been reciprocal, and at least equal on the part of Britain. This destroys the idea of any debt or any duty. As of inferiors, if a religious submission to this connection has rendered our growth and prosperity less flourishing, than they would have been in a general connection, it can only be compared to the situation of a tree in a little earth between two rocks, which, though it looks fair, and grows to a certain size, yet, had it been able to spread its roots, and imbibe the nourishment of an extended soil, might soon become the largest tree of the forest.

A. B.

SPEECH QF A FARMER TO AN ASSEMBLY OF HIS NEIGHBOURS OF PHILADELPHIA COUNTY, ON HIS ENRAGING IN THE CONTINENTAL SERVICE.

My Friends and Countrymen:

I have observed that some of you are a little surprised that I, with so many inducements as I have to remain at home, should have resolved to quit my family and my farm for the fatigues and dangers of war. I mean you should be perfectly satisfied as to my motives. I am an American, and am determined to be free. I was born free, and have never forfeited my birthright; nor will I ever, like the infatuated son of Isaac, sell it for a mess of pottage. I will part with my life sooner than with my liberty; for I prefer an honourable death to the miserable and despicable existence of slavery.

The tyrant who would rob me of my property, because he thinks he has use for it and is able to take it from me, would as soon, for the same reason, rob me of my life, if it stood in his way. But it is God Almighty who gave me my life, and my property as a necessary means, among others, of preserving and enjoying it; and it is He only that hath an absolute and unlimited right and power to take either or both away. Being the Creator, the Supporter, the perfect Ruler and Judge of all the earth, He, only, can do no wrong. Should, therefore, any creature whatsoever, or number of them, dare to usurp this sole prerogative of Heaven over me, I could neither answer it to my Maker, nor my conscience, nor my honour, if I did not resist, though it were to the last drop of my blood. It is in the free enjoyment of those blessings, uncontrolled by any human powers, (except so far as the voice of the society in general, of which we are members, may have resigned a part for the preservation of the whole,) that civil liberty substantially consisteth. Let no one, therefore, wonder, if of all earthly benefits my Creator hath bestowed on me, I do most esteem my liberty. Anarchy, indeed, I deprecate, but tyranny infinitely more. The reason is obvious: the former, like a common surfeit, occasioned by an irregular and intemperate indulgence of the bodily appetites, if but a little helped by simple medicine, will almost always, as I may say, cure itself; whereas the latter, like a devouring cancer, the longer it is let alone without the application of violent caustics, the faster and deeper it will root itself into the frame, until it gnaws out the very life of the body. Government is neither of these; it is an ordinance of Heaven, to restrain the usurpations of wicked men, to secure us in the enjoyments of our natural rights, and to promote the highest political interests and happiness of society. The claims, therefore, of the British Parliament of a power to bind us in all cases whatsoever, to give away our property in what measure and for what purpose they please, and to dispose of our lives as they think proper, when we have no voice in the legislation, nor constitutional power allowed us to check their most violent proceedings, are not of the nature of Government, but in the true and strict sense of the word, Tyranny

Of the tendency and operation of this diabolical system, our country hath already had too deep and affecting experience not to be sensible of them; and it requires not the spirit of supernatural prophecy to foretell the end of them, should they not be seasonably controlled. Controlled, did I say? Blest be the spirit of American liberty, wisdom, and valour! they have been controlled. But, my friends, it is evident we can never have safety, liberty, and peace, until, by an unremitting and vigorous application of the axe, now laid to the root of the tree, we have totally overturned, in these Colonies, the power that would demolish us. Not to speak of the unwearied art and assiduity of the British King and Parliament these twelve years past, to fasten on us the shackles of slavery, let me only remind you of the base and cruel measures to subjugate us, since we have been obliged to take up arms in our defence. What stone have they left unturned? What device to ruin us, though never so mean, barbarous, and bloody—such as no heart but that of a devil and a tyrant can refrain shuddering at—have they not pursued? Have not all the powers of Europe been 'meanly courted and bribed not to supply us with the means of resistance? Hath not the most barbarous nation in it been applied to, to assist them with at least twenty thousand savages, to complete their intended massacre? Have they not attempted to spirit up the Indian Savages to ravage our frontiers, and murder, after their inhuman manner, our defenceless wives and children? Have not our Negro slaves been enticed to rebel against their masters, and arms put into their hands to murder them? Have not the King of England's own slaves, the Hanoverians, been employed? And were not the poor Canadians made slaves, that they might be made fit instruments, with other slaves and savages, to make slaves, and more wretched beings than savages of us?

Now, what kind of reconciliation can be reasonably expected with a Power so basely, so cruelly, so industriously, and obstinately bent on our destruction? In short, we have no alternative left us, but to fight or die. If there be any medium, it is slavery; and ever cursed be the man who will submit to it! I will not. But who would ever have imagined, that a people who a few years ago assisted their brethren of Great Britain, with their blood and treasure, to humble the power of France and Spain, and who from their first existence as a people, have, by their trade and industry, been enriching and exalting them above all the nations of the world—who, I say, would have imagined that this very people should, by these, their very brethren, be now reduced to so dreadful an alternative: Yet hear ye Heavens, and give ear, O Earth, and bear witness, this is the return we have received for all our love, loyalty, industry, treasure, and blood !

Had we begun this quarrel, had we demanded some new privileges unknown to the Constitution, or Some commercial licenses, incompatible with the general interest of the Empire; had we presumed to legislate for Great Britain, or plotted with the Bourbon family to reinstate the execrable race of the Stuarts, and fled to arms, unprovoked, to accomplish these designs, there would then be some plausible apology for the severest hostile treatment we have received. But, what have we done? When alarmed, ere we had yet rested from the toils of the last, war, by new unconstitutional demands of revenue, we asserted our rights, and petitioned for justice. Was this a crime? As unconstitutional statutes of different forms were repeatedly enacted, we repeated our petitions for redress. Was this a crime? We suffered ourselves to be insulted by the introduction of an armed force to dragoon us into obedience; we suffered them to lake possession of our towns and fortifications, still waiting with decent and anxious expectation, from the wonted justice, humanity, and generosity of Britons. Was this a crime? Disposed to try every pacifick measure which might probably procure our relief, we agreed to withhold our commerce from them, in hopes that, feeling the effects of their injustice, they might see how ruinous their proceedings were to their own interests, and return in time to wisdom and peace. Was this a crime? Nor did we once lift the sword, even in our defence, until provoked to it by a wanton commencement of hostilities on their part. What, then, have we done to merit such cruel proceedings? My friends, I am firmly persuaded that no truth will appear in future history with more glaring evidence, and that the whole mass of guilt contracted by this unnatural war lieth at the door of the King of Britain, his abandoned Ministers, and corrupted Parliament; and so that not only all future generations of men, but the great Judge of all the earth, will finally condemn their measures, as a scene of tyranny and murder. I, therefore, conceive myself as having taken up arms in defence of innocence, justice, truth, honesty, honour, liberty, property, and life; and in opposition to guilt, injustice, falsehood, dishonesty, ignominy, slavery; poverty, and death; not that I have any fondness for the bloody profession; not that I delight in the carnage of my species, or sigh for an occasion of