proving my courage: Heaven and you are my witnesses, that my voice was for some time, perhaps too long, and with too much earnestness, against any military preparations; but the times are altered; 'tis a dreadful necessity that calls me, and calls every man who can be spared from his other occupations.

I will not, however, fight as one who beateth the air. I speak plainly; I consider this year as the grand and final period of British Administration in this American world. I see no probability of their proffering such terms as we can accept of, consistently with our safety, honour and peace. Nay, should they grant all that our publick Councils have heretofore claimed, we should still be in a most dangerous situation, liable to renewed encroachments and renewed hostilities. What else can be supposed from such a situation, and from the views, temper, and prejudices that must and will prevail in the British Court and Parliament? Besides, who, in that case, will reimburse our losses? or how shall our publick debts be paid? I do solemnly declare, and that with respect to the best reconciliation that can reasonably be expected with so corrupt, treacherous, and tyrannous Administration, that if 1 thought we should again revert to a dependance on Britain, 1 should from this day lay down my sword, and weep that I was born in America. But far other prospects are before us: glory, empire, liberty, and peace, are, I am persuaded, unless we are lost to ourselves, very near at hand. And on every consideration of the present state and progress of our publick affairs, compared with the spirit of Britain, and the spirit, the interest, and internal advantages of America, methinks I hear a voice, as if an angel from heaven should proclaim, "Come out from among them, and be ye separate from them. Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of hex sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues."

TO THE INHABITANTS OF PENNSYLVANIA.

Philadelphia, February 28, 1716.

The town has been lately amused with a new political pamphlet, intituled Common Sense. This piece, though it has taken a popular name, and implies that the contents are obvious and adapted to the understandings of the bulk of the people, is so far from meriting the title it has assumed, that, in my opinion, it holds principles equally inconsistent with learned and common sense.

I know not the author, nor am I anxious to learn his name or character; for the book, and not the writer of it, is to be the subject of my animadversions.

'Tis the glory of a free country to enjoy a free press, and of this, that the sentiments and opinions of the meanest, equally with those of the greatest, are brought to view; for we know, by frequent instances, that the rich and highborn are not the monopolizers of wisdom and virtue. On the contrary, these qualities are oftener to be found among the middling class in every country, who, being less dissipated and debauched than those who are usually called their betters, apply themselves with more industry to the culture of their understandings, and in reality become better acquainted with the true interests of the society in which they live.

But to my great grief I have too often seen instances of persons in every class of life, whose publications, at the same time they have reflected honour on the parts and genius of the authors, have been so shamefully wanting in candour as to attempt, by the cadence of words, and force of style, a total perversion of the understanding.

The pamphlet in question seems to be plainly calculated to induce a belief of three things:

1st. That the English form of Government has no wisdom in it, and that it is by no means so constructed as to produce the happiness of the people, which is the end of all good government.

2d. That monarchy is a form of Government inconsistent with the will of God.

3d. That now is the time to break off all connection with Great Britain, and to declare an independence of the Colonies.

It must be obvious to every impartial eye, that the author reasons from the abuses of, against the benefits derived from the English Constitution; and after reciting these abuses, concludes, very unfairly, that "it is incapable to produce what it seems to promise." For if an argument of this sort is to be received, it will prove, perhaps, rather more than the author would choose—it would even prove that the Jewish theocracy was quite as improper, and as incapable to produce what it aimed at, as the reprobated English Government. The records of sacred history inform us, that the law was given to the people from God, and that the Great Jehovah himself condescended to call them his chosen people. He signally interposed in their behalf in bringing them out of bondage, in preserving them from the rage of Pharoah's army, and seating them in a land flowing with milk and honey, under his immediate government and laws, "written with his own finger."

"And he will love thee and bless thee, and multiply thee: he will also bless the fruit of thy womb and the fruit of thy land, thy corn, and thy wine, and thy oil; the increase of thy kine, and the flocks of thy sheep, in the land which he sware unto thy fathers to give thee."—Deuteronomy vii, 13.

"Thou shall be blessed above all people; there shall not be male or female barren among you, or among your cattle."—Deuteronomy vii, 14.

But what effects did all these extraordinary favours and promises of the Deity himself produce upon that wicked, perverse, stiff-necked people? Moses tells them,

"From the day that thou didst depart out of the land of Egypt until ye came unto this place, ye have been rebellious against the Lord."—Deuteronomy ix, 7.

"You have been rebellious against the Lord from the day that I knew you."—Deuteronomy ix, 24.

Profane, as well as sacred history, informs us of the in-effectuality of the best Governments and the wisest laws among a corrupt, degenerate people. It does not regularly follow, that if the people are not happy under an excellent form of civil polity, that the fault is in the Government; it may be owing to the corruption of the people, and this I take to be the case in Great Britain at this day. When the British Parliament is properly balanced, and each branch of the Legislature faithfully executes its duty, I think I am safe in affirming there was never yet a form of Government in the world so well calculated for the happiness of a free people as this; and yet we are told by the author of the pamphlet, that the "prejudice of Englishmen in favour of King, Lords, and Commons, arises as much, or more, from national pride than reason." The world has already seen numberless instances of fine-spun political theories, which, like the quackeries of mountebank Doctors, are to cure all the political evils to which human nature is liable; but, when the experiment is made, they become astonished at the ill-success of their boasted schemes; they find a thousand little passions and interests continually interfering with their designs, and, at length, retire again to their closets, chagrined they had not thought it necessary to study the great volume of human nature, before they ventured to say what was the best for mankind.

The author, after venting his spleen against the English form of Government, comes next to consider the subject of Monarchy, and hereditary succession; in treating which, he plainly discovers the utmost prepossession in favour of a Republick. I shall not follow him through his Scripture quotations, which he has so carefully garbled to answer his purpose, but beg leave to oppose some authorities to it.

The celebrated Trenchard, in No. 60, of Cato's Letters, says, "there is no Government now upon earth which owes its formation or beginning to the immediate revelation of God, or can derive its existence from such revelation. It is certain, on the contrary, that the rise and institution, or variation of Government from time to time, is within the memory of men, or of histories; and that every Government which we know, at this day, in the world, was established by the wisdom and force of mere men, and by the concurrence of causes evidently human."

"Nor has God by any revelation nominated Magistrates, showed the nature or extent of their powers, or given a plan of civil polity for mankind.—Hutch. Mor. Philosp. 272.

There being no natural or Divine law for any form of Government, or that one person rather than another should have the sovereign administration of affairs, or have power over many thousand different families, who are by nature all equal, being of the same rank, promiscuously born to the same advantages of nature, and to the use of the same