common faculties, therefore, mankind is at liberty to choose what form of Government they like."

"God's providence, or permission, suffered his own peculiar people, the Jews, to be under divers governments at divers times; as first, under Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, &c.; then under Judges, Oihnicl, Ehud, and Gideon; then under High-Priests, E/j and Samuel; then under Kings, Saul, David, and the rest; then under Captains and High-Priests, again, as Zerubbabel, Judas, Maccabeus, and his brethren; and the government, was, lastly, taken from them, and they brought under the power of Rome. And that God permits such magistrate, or magistrates, as the community thinks fit to approve, is plain by the testimony of Holy Scriptures, when God said to Solomon, "By me Kings rule, even all the Judges of the earth."—Proverbs viii, 16.

" When the sons of Samuel were Judges over Israel, they took bribes and perverted judgment; therefore, the elders of Israel desired Samuel to make them a King;" and though the elders are only mentioned to have asked a King of Samuel, they seem to have been deputed from the whole congregation; for God said unto Samuel, "Hearken to the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee."— 1 Samuel viii, 4, 7.

"And Samuel told the people the manner of the kingdom, and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before the Lord."—1 Samuel x, 25. 'Tis plain the manner of the kingdom signifies the Constitution of the Government, by which was meant the conditions on which Saul was to be King, and they his subjects; for though God had given him the crown, it was to rule the people according to justice and laws.

After the battle between Saul and the Ammonites, Samuel said to the people, Come, let us go to Gilgal; and there they made Saul King before the Lord."—1 Samuel, xi, 1,5, 6,7, 14, 15.

"Now, therefore, behold the King whom ye have chosen; and behold the Lord hath set a King over you."—Samuel xii, 13.

These latter quotations are taken from the great Lord Somers's book, called "The Judgment of the whole Kingdoms and Nations, concerning the rights of Kings and the People." This nobleman was Lord High Chancellor of England in King William's reign, and was remarkable for his Revolution principles, great learning, and unshaken integrity in publick and private life.

It does, therefore, from the foregoing testimonies appear, that Monarchy, (especially a limited one, such as that of England,) is not inconsistent with the Holy Scriptures, as is set forth in said pamphlet; but that it is as pleasing to the Almighty, if agreeable to the people, as any other form of Government, even the author's beloved Republick.

The writer next proceeds to inform his readers of the numerous wars and scenes of blood acted in England under their Kings, and asserts that "Monarchy and succession have laid the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of Government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it." Here are bold assertions, indeed ! To the latter part, I have already endeavoured to make some reply, so far as he asserts it is contrary to the word of God; but, will the author's candour permit him to inform his readers of the infinite distractions and mischiefs which have happened in the ancient and modern Republicks? Under this form, there are always two parties, which divide the whole body of the people, and an eternal warfare subsists between them for power; the contest is dreadful enough, but which soever party prevails, there is no rod heavy enough, no sword sufficiently sharp to punish those whom they have subdued; it then becomes a many-headed monster, a tyranny of many.

Let any man read with an unprejudiced eye the accounts which the historians give us of the famous Grecian Commonwealths, and I will venture to speak for him, that he will not bestow great commendations upon them. The Athenians, a wise and polished people, very often banished their best citizens, from an apprehension of their power— a glorious reward for a virtuous citizen, who, as was the case in more instances than one, had preserved his country from destruction. In the latter times of the Carthagenian and Roman Republicks, what constant scenes of blood and devastation does history present to us, The multitude in a perpetual ferment, like the ocean in a storm—in a storm did I say ?—like waters of the sea, agitated by a dreadful whirlwind—nothing but the fury of one party encountering the rage of another. Every trace of humanity being thus lost, men change their natures, and become as fierce and savage as wolves and tigers.

But, let us descend nearer to modern times: let us look for happiness and security in the Republick of Holland, so often mentioned, and so little known: let us recollect the fate of the two broihers, Cornelius and John De Witt, Dutch ministers, who were massacred by the people in the year 1672. Holland itself, from being a republick, is become a downright aristocracy. Liberty did not continue long in that country, notwithstanding the blood and treasure that were expended to acquire it. The people, so far from being free, have had no voice for many years past in the election of persons to represent them in the States-General; nor have they any thing to do in the forming of laws by which they are to be governed. Whenever one of them dies, the vacancy is filled up without any interference of the people, and this important change was made in the state because of the intolerable feuds and animosities which attended the elections of Representatives, Had they been to have chosen a King, what dangerous and destructive tumults must it have produced. Founded on the woful experience of ages, it is now become a general fixed opinion, that hereditary is preferable to elective monarchy, on account of the terrible disorders, outrages, and confusion, which usually attend the election of a King; a pregnant instance of which, in pur times, is the Kingdom of Poland.

In our own history we see the effect of the much wished for Commonwealth, after the death of the tyrant Charles; it did not produce liberty; it presently ended in arbitrary power. The moment, almost, after the reins of Government fell from Charles's hands, Cromwell took them up and governed the nation with absolute sway.

I cannot agree with the author of the pamphlet in opinion, that this is the time to declare an Independence of the Colonies. This ought to be the dernier resort of America. Let us not yet lose sight of the primary object of the dispute, namely, a safe, honourable, and lasting reconciliation with Great Britain, until we are under a necessity of doing it. If an advantageous accommodation can be had, and a free Constitution for this country be established on mutual agreement and compact, 'twill be better and happier for us; but if justice is still denied us, and we are to contend for liberty by arms, we will meet them in the field, and try our manhood against them, even to spilling the blood of every brave man we have. Should the Ministry have recourse to foreign aid, we may possibly follow their example; and, if it be essential then to our safety to declare an Independence, I would willingly embrace the necessity.

RATIONALIS.

NEW-YORK PROVINCIAL CONGRESS TO PRESIDENT JUNCOCK.

[Read March 4, 1776.—Referred till to-morrow.]

In Provincial Congress, New-York, February 28, 1776.

SIR; In obedience to the resolution of Congress, we have now the honour to transmit a list of gentlemen nominated by us as Field-Officers for the four Battalions ordered to be raised for the defence of this Colony.

In this nomination, we have end eavoured to pay due attention to the merits of those officers who served in the last campaign, and are willing to continue in the service. To these, we have added a number of gentlemen who now tender their services to their country. As soon as the Field-Officers are fixed by Congress, we beg their commissions may be forwarded. The other officers are appointed, and recruiting in different parts of this Colony.

It may not be improper to mention that some of the Captains and Subalterns who served in our regiments last year are now in Canada; these gentlemen we have not been able to provide for in the four battalions now raising, as we were uncertain when they would return, or whether they were not provided for in the Canada Regiments; we were apprehensive, if we provided for them in our battalions, it might impede the raising the troops, and thereby injure the service.

In justice to these gentlemen, we thought it our duty