The Congress took into Consideration the Report of the Committee on the ways and means of procuring Cannon:

Resolved, That two hundred and fifty Twelve-Pounders, sixty Nine-Pounders, and sixty-two Four-Pounders, be purchased for the use of the Colonies.

That the Committee appointed on the ways and means of procuring Cannon, be empowered to purchase or contract for making the same.

That a new Member be chosen and added to that Committee.

ancient bond of union between Great Britain and us. It was, therefore, his wish that such a stroke should never proceed first from the hand of America. Nor did it so proceed.

The resistance made at Lexington was not the traitorous act of men conspiring against the supreme powers; nor directed by the councils of any publick body in America; but rose immediately out of the case, and was dictated by self-preservation, the first great law of nature as well as society. If there was any premeditated scheme here, it was premeditated by those who created the dreadful necessity, either of resistance or ruin. For, could it be expected that any people, possessing the least remains of virtue and liberty, would tamely submit to destruction and ravage—to be disarmed as slaves; stripped of their property and left a naked prey even to the insults of surrounding Savages?

Was this an experiment worthCommittee appointedy of Great Britain? Where was the wisdom of her counsellors ? Had their justice, their moderation, quite forsaken them ? Could they possibly expect obedience in such a case as this ? Would they themselves, in a similar case, even under a competent legislative authority, submit to laws which would destroy the great and of all laws, self preservation ? Human nature says, No. The genius of the English Constitution says, No. The nation itself hath heretofore said, No; and a great oracle* of its laws has given his sanction to the verdict—"In cases of national oppression, (says he.) the nation hath very justifiably risen as one man, to vindicate the original contract subsisting between the King and People." And— "If the sovereign power threaten desolation to a state, mankind will not be reasoned out of the feelings of humanity, nor sacrifice liberty to a scrupulous adherence to political maxims."

If the case, of America does not come within the above description, there seems to be no equity left upon earth; and whatever is exacted by force must, be yielded through fear. But if justice be any thing more than a name, it is surely a solecism in politicks to say, that one part of a free country has a right to command that which the other "cannot obey without being slaves, nor resist without being rebels." Yet to such a sad dilemma does the Parliamentary claim of a "right to bind us in all cases whatsoever," reduce America; involving in it a total surrender of our liberties; superseding the use of our own legislatures; marking us with such a badge of servitude as no freeman can consent to wear; and subjecting us to burdens laid by those who are not only unacquainted with our circumstances, and bear no part of the weight, but ease themselves in proportion as they load us. If this be law, if it be equity, it has no example among any other people, possessing the least glimmerings of virtue or native freedom.

Bat although this claim be so repugnant to every idea of natural as well as legal justice, that the guilt of blood which it may occasion can be chargeable only on those who attempt to enforce it; yet I am well assured that when compelled at last by hard necessity, either to avert the dagger pointed at our breast, or crouch to unconditional servitude, our hero's heart bled for the dreadful alternative.

His principles of loyalty to his Sovereign (whom he had long served, and whose true glory consists in healing those streaming wounds) remained firm and unshaken, Love to our brethren, whom we must oppose; the interchange of good offices, which had so intimately knit the bonds of friendship between them and us; the memory of those better days in which we fought and triumphed together; the vast fabrick of mutual happiness raised by our union, and ready to be dissolved by our dissensions; the annihilation of those numerous plans of improvement in which we are engaged for the glory of the empire—all these considerations conspired to render this contest peculiarly abhorrent to him and every virtuous American, and could have been outweighed by nothing earthly, but the unquenchable love of liberty, and that sacred duty which we owe to ourselves and our posterity.

Hence, as appears from his papers, even in the full triumph of success, he most ardently joined his worthy friend, General Schuyler,† in praying that ".Heaven may speedily re-unite us in every bond of affection and interest; and that the British empire may again become the envy and admiration of the universe, and flourish" till the consummation of earthly things.

This part of his character I dwell upon with particular satisfiction; and, indeed, had ho evidenced a contrary sentiment, or gone forth in the rage of conquest instead of the spirit of reconciliation; not all his other virtues, nor yet the respect which I owe to the appointment wherewith I am now honoured, could have induced me to appear in this place, on this occasion.

God forbid that any of the profession to which I belong, should ever forget their peculiar character, exercise a turbulent spirit, or prostitute their voice to inflame men's minds to the purposes of wild ambition, or mutual destruction. I am happy in knowing that nothing of this kind is wished from me; nay, that the delegated voice of the Continent, as well as of this particular Province, supports me in praying for a restoration "of the former harmony between Great Britain and those Colonies upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both countries." †

Indeed this matter rests in safe hands, and is clear in itself. If redress of grievances, essential liberty, and security against future oppression can be obtained agreeable to our own desires; then, neither consistency, dignity, nor a regard to our illustrious British friends, who have defended our cause, pledged themselves for our sincerity, and hope by our aid to restore and perpetuate the glory of the whole empire, can suffer us to hesitate. To say, let them look to their own safety, and we will look to ours, would be unworthy of the liberal soul of any American, truly animated in our present cause, and with the love of universal liberty.

But suppose these terms cannot be obtained ? Why, then, there will be no need of further arguments, much less of aggravations. Timid as my heart, perhaps, is, and ill-tuned as my ear may he to the din of arms and the clangeur of the trumpet; yet, in that case, sounds which are a thousand times more harsh—" even the croaking of frogs in the uncultivated fen," or the howling of wild beasts on He mountain top, where liberty dwells, would be "preferable to the nightingale's song" in vales of slavery, or the melting notes of Corelli in cities clanking their chains!

If this be a digression, pardon it as the last, and last to my own principles and consistency. I now hasten to attend to our hero through the remainder of his career—short, indeed ! but crowded with scenes of virtuous activity, which would have dignified the longest life.

The Canada expedition is one of those measures which the encrnies of American peace, having first rendered necessary, will now strive to misconstrue into hostility and offence. But when authentick proofs were obtained that a people professing a religion, and subjected to laws, different from ours, together with numerous Tribes of Savages, were instigated and preparing to deluge our frontiers in blood, let God and the world judge whether it was an act of offence; or rather, whether it was not mercy to them, to ourselves, to the whole British empire, to use the means in our power for frustrating the barbarous attempt.

Indeed, there was benevolence in the whole plan of his expedition. It was to be executed not so much by force as by persuasion; and appearing in the country with such a respectable strength, as might protect the inhabitants from the insults and vengeance of those who were striving to make them lift up their reluctant arm to the shedding fraternal blood. It was further wished to kindle up the cxpiring lamp of liberty among them; to open their eyes to its divine effnlgence; and enable them to raise their, dropping head, and claim its blessings as their own.

This was a work, in all its parts, "suited" to the genius of a Montgomenj. He had a head and heart which equally pointed him out as a fit guide in such an undertaking, He understood and could well explain the blessings of a free Government. Persuasion dwelt upon his tongue. He had a soul, great, disinterested, offectionate, delighting to alleviate distress, and to diffuse happiness. He had an industry not to be wearied out; a vigilance not to be imposed upon; and a courage, when necessary, equal to his other abilities.

But still, with a few new-raised men, of different Colonies, and, perhaps, different tempers ill-supplied with arms and ammunition; worse disciplined; unaccustomed to look cannon in the face; to make or to mount a breach—in such circumstances, I say, and in the short, space of an autumnal and winter campaign, in rigorous northern climes, to achieve a work which cost. Great Britian and the Colonies the labour of several campaigns, and what was a sacrilee of infinitely more value —the life of the immortal. Wolfe—this certainly required a degree of magnanimity beyond the ordinary reach, and the exertion of the highest abilities of every kind,

The command and conduct of an ariny, were but small parts of this undertaking. The indians weres to be treated with, restrained, and kept in temper. The Canadians were likpwise to be managcd, protected and supported; and even his own army, in some degree, to be formed, disciplined, animated, accustomed to marches, encampments, dangers, fatigues, and the frequentwant of necessaries.

Camps, of all worldly scenes, often exhibit the greatest pictures of distress. The sick and the wounded—the dying and the dead—as well as the wants and sufferings of the living—all these call forth the most tender feelings, and require of a General that, to the courage of a sodier, he should unite the utmost bsnevolence of a man!

Our General possessed these united qualities in their highest lustre; of which tboro are numeries testimonies, not only from his own army, but from the prisoners, English as wel as Canadians, now amongst us,

When his men laboured under fatigue, wanted bread and othef necessaries, had their beds to make in snow or deep morasses, they were ashamed to complain, finding that he was willing to share in the execution of whatever he commanded. And the example which he thus set to others, did more to inspire patience, obedience, love of order and discipline, than the most rigid oxereise of power could have done. The influence of this example was still stronger, as it did not appear to be the effect of constraint or political necessity, but the amiable expression of a sympathizing soul; loading him to condescend to all capacities; exact in his own duties, and great even in common things. His letters, confidential as well as official, are a full proof of this.

"Our encampment is so swampy, I feel, (says he,) exceedingly for the troops; and provisions so scarce, it will require not only despatch, but good fortune, to keep us from distress Shonld things not go well, I tremble for the fate of the poor Canadians, who have ventured so much. What shall I do with them, should I be oblio;ed to evacuate this country ? I have assured them that the United Culonies will as soon give up Massachusetts to resentment as them."

"These sentiments were worthy of a heroik soul, and of the faith he had pledged to those people. Nor is he less to be venerated for his tender regard towards his own army. Instead of making a merit of his difficulties, (which were, indeed, more than ought to bo montioned in this place) he often seeks to cpnceal them; ascribing any little faults or tardiness, in his young troops, to their want of experience in forming; to their hard duty, the constant successionion of bad weather, and the like, still encouraging them to nobler efforts in future. And if any impatience of discipline appeared, ho nobly attributes it to that spirit of freedom, which men accustomed to think for themselves, will even bring into camps with them."

His own superior military knowledge he has been known to sacrifice.

* Blackstone.

† In his letter of November 8th.

† The above paragraph having been either misrepresented or misunderstood by some, the author (toes not think himself at liberty to make the least alteration in it, even if he judged any to be necessary. The quotation from the last petition of Congress, as well as the reference made to the instructions of our Assembly, both point to a past period; and the author cannot be considered, from thence, as taking upon him to make the least declaration concerning the present sentiments of either of these bodies; nor is there a word which can preclude the taking into the terms of accommodation, so far as maybe thought reasonable, the redress of whatever grievances or losses we may have sustained, since that period. Upon the whole, it is presumed, that a single sentiment.is not to.be found in lite oration, which is not fully consonant to every declaration of Congress which has yet appeared; and to impute to them, or even suspect, the least change of sentiment, before.they themselves have declared it, would not only be indecent, but very injurious to our cause. The author is also consistent with himself, and if be same doctrines which, he has been told, 'were well received in his late publication, should now be disagreeable to any, the fault.is not his. But.he will give the render no further trouble on this to piek, unless his own defence should, in future render it necessary.