Head-Quarters, Cambridge, March 24, 1776.

The enemy still continuing in the harbour without any apparent cause for it, after winds and weather have favoured their sailing, leaves abundant reason to suspect that they may have some design of aiming a blow at us before they depart. The General, therefore, in the strongest terms imaginable, recommends to the commanding officer of every corps to prevent his men that are off duty from straggling, but to have them ready to turn out at a moment’s warning, with their arms and ammunition in good order. For this purpose, a strict attention is to be paid to roll-calling, and all delinquents severely punished.

The General Officers, in their several departments, are to take care that proper alarm-posts are assigned every corps, that no confusion or disorder may ensue in case we should be called out. In a particular manner, Generals Putnam and Sullivan are to attend to those of the centre and left division. As the enemy’s evacuation of Boston will render a new disposition proper, they are to meet and consult on this point without delay. General Greene will dispose of the Regiments in Boston to the best advantage.

The floating batteries to be manned (if they have guns on board) and sent down to Charlestown Point, for the purpose of defence, in case of need.

The guard-boats are to patrol constantly, and be very attentive to every movement of the enemy; and good lookouts kept at and from the posts from Chelsea, round Squantum, and the earliest information given of a hostile appearance.

All the flat-bottom and whale-boats, not in immediate and necessary use, are to be brought from Boston and Charlestown, where they are beating against the wharves, and secured in Cambridge River. Mr. Sylvanus Drew is appointed to take charge of the boats, and to make a return thereof to the Commander-in-Chief. Such hands as he shall find necessary to get these boats together, General Putnam will order him.

The publick horses and some other articles will be sold on the Common in Cambridge to-morrow, at eleven o’clock.

ORDERS AND INSTRUCTIONS FOR COLONEL MIFFLIN, QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED COLONIES.

As the motions of the enemy, and the operations of the ensuing campaign, render it indispensably necessary that a very large body of troops should be immediately assembled at or near New-York, you will immediately proceed to Norwich, in Connecticut, where you will, in concert with the Brigadiers-General Heath and Sullivan, regulate the embarkation of the Brigades under their command, and settle all such matters with the Commissary-General of Provisions, and Contractors for the Transports, as may be further necessary for expediting the march of the rest of the Army, with the stores, artillery, camp equipage, &c.

This being done, you will proceed without delay to New-York, where your first care will be to provide barracks for the troops; firing, forage, and quarters, for the General Officers; fix upon a proper house or houses for a General Hospital; stabling for the Continental draught-horses, &c., &c. Intrenching tools must also be immediately provided, with a sufficient quantity of joist and plank for platforms, and timber for gun-carriages; in short, every necessary article for the publick service, and which your experience the last campaign convinces you will be wanted for that now approaching.

The variety of the business of your department renders it next to impossible to point out particularly every duty of your office; therefore a latitude is given you in these orders and instructions, which, together with the directions and advice of the commanding General at New-York, must be the rule for the future regulation of your conduct; and I shall at present only recommend that the same integrity, zeal, diligence, and activity, which has hitherto animated your past services, may govern that which is to come.

Given at Head-Quarters in Cambridge, this 24th day of March, 1776.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

To Colonel Thomas Mifflin, Quartermaster-General.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF VIRGINIA.

MY COUNTRYMEN: The state of our publick affairs appears to be at present in a more critical situation than it has been at any time since the commencement of the quarrel, which has so much agitated the minds of the people, both in Great Britain and America. The principles of a dispute, so long contested before the whole world, I need not recite to you. You have seen it in its birth, and your own deliberations and exertions have conducted it to its present point. The single question that has for many years disturbed the publick tranquillity is well known on this side of the Atlantick to be, whether the Parliament of England has a right to bind us by their laws in all cases whatsoever, or in no case at all, without our own consent—for reason and good policy can discern no medium. And, indeed, no medium has been sought on either side; for the former is maintained in its utmost extent in Britain; the latter with no less firmness in America. And after many resolves and petitions, and after a long suspension of trade, and the milder methods of obtaining redress, you have at last been constrained to take up arms in your own defence. And I pray God that the contest may be decided by arms alone; for I fear lest we should be led into a snare, where the bait may be disposed, with so much craft that many, misled by generosity of disposition, and others wearied with uncertainty and delay, or seduced by motives of interest, may unwarily be decoyed by it, without observing their danger. The snare to which I refer is the negotiation which the British Ministry propose to enter into with the States of America, in the beginning of the next campaign. Although we have been declared Rebels by both Houses of Parliament as well as by the King, to preserve, a consistency with their former measures; and although they have menaced us with all the power they are able to command, to suppress this pretended rebellion; yet; we receive the most authentick intelligence that they design to accompany their armaments with Commissioners to several of the Colonies, to negotiate terms of submission to Great Britain; a measure, it is evident, they would never have adopted, if they had not entertained some doubts of the success of the sanguinary projects in which they had before embarked; and if their long acquaintance with the policy of courts, and finesse of negotiations, had not taught them that, success, if success be attainable, is most likely to be accomplished by this means. And if our attachment to Britain; if the prospect of peace (which seems to be doubly flattering, after distractions so great and of so long duration) do not blind us, and hurry us into the measure before we have anticipated maturely all its consequences, we may easily foresee that we shall be exposed to greater danger by negotiation than by arms. It is well known to what an excessive height bribery and corruption have been carried in England: as much of the publick treasure is prostituted to this iniquitous purpose as might redeem the nation in a few years from that enormous debt, under the load of which every nerve of the body politick begins to crack. And can we suppose that the treasure of England will be less profusely applied to buy their favourite measure into effect, from the men who lead the Councils of the Colonies, than it has been to purchase a majority in both Houses of Parliament?

They to whom we have hitherto delegated the task of steering the State through the present troubles, merit every acknowledgment we are capable of making to them, for the wisdom and integrity of their conduct; but they must have successors. Good policy, in a free State, requires that great power should not be successively intrusted in the same hands too often. The innocence of the cottage is frequently corrupted when it is produced into the publick scenes of honour and ambition. There is a situation in life in which a man may act with great and deserved applause; but we reason wrong if we therefore conclude that there are no temptations capable of corrupting his virtue. We may repent our credulity if we unsuspiciously resign too far to his honesty, without using any precautions against the frailty of human nature. I believe modern virtue is in no country carried to so great a height as it is in America. I have as high a veneration as a wise man ought to have for the Conventions of the different Colonies, and for the Continental Congress. But shall we be in no danger by acting with an incautious resignation, as if every man in these numerous assemblies,