Your compliance will much oblige, honourable gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN THOMAS BOUCHER.

To the Honourable the Council of Safety.

MARYLAND COUNCIL OF SAFETY TO COLONEL MAGRUDER.

SIR: The privates of the company of Militia lately commanded by Captain Richard Brooke, have petitioned our Board to commission Nathaniel Pigman as their Captain; Benjamin Gaither, First Lieutenant; and Samuel Riggs, Second Lieutenant. But as we have invariably promoted those who were first elected by the people, in the order they stood under that choice, we cannot prefer either Mr. Benjamin Gaither or Mr. Riggs to William Gaither, who was Ensign to the company, unless there should appear substantial objections against his being advanced to the First Lieutenancy. We desire, therefore, you will inform us whether you apprehend William Gaither would be an improper person to fill that station, and whether the others would answer for Second Lieutenant and Ensign. Or if you think there are gentlemen in that company more deserving preferment, we should be glad you would mention them to us.

We are, &c.

To Colonel Zadock Magruder.

MARYLAND COUNCIL OF SAFETY TO JOHN YOAST.

SIR: The Council of Safety desire you will be as expeditious as you possibly can in supplying the muskets, &c., you engaged to make for the Province; and inform us whether you have any now completed, as we are in very great want of them, and will send for them as soon as you have a number ready. We are, &c.

To Mr. John Yoast.

MARYLAND COUNCIL OF SAFETY TO LIEUTENANT BOUCHER.

SIR: We cannot oppose the preferment of a gentleman who has manifested a laudable zeal for his country; and, therefore, accept of your resignation. This we do with the less reluctance, as your station may still afford you an opportunity of giving assistance to our Province.

We thank you for the services you have rendered us, and wish you success in the command of the Potomack Fleet.

We are, &c.

To Lieutenant John Thomas Boucher.

MARYLAND COUNCIL OF SAFETY TO CHARLES CARROLL.

DEAR SIR: We send you, enclosed, a letter to the Committee of Observation for Baltimore County. If you approve, seal it and send it to them. Since writing, we have seen Mr. Lux, and have had some conversation with him about the Committee’s detaining the two vessels belonging to Hugh Young—one intended to bring us arms and ammunition, the other salt. Young tells us that the first has been unloaded, and is kept with intention to sink as a hulk; and that the other is employed in bringing in ship-timber for the frigate now building—no consent of his, and contrary to express order of the Council of Safety of the 20th instant. We wish to have this affair cleared up to our satisfaction. Mr. Lux knows nothing of the matter. We request that you would converse with some of the Committee, and let us know how everything has been conducted.

T. Smyth is going to the Eastern-Shore on Friday or Saturday. The meeting of the adjourned Provincial Court next week, and a day appointed for hearing the Elkridge Petition, prevents our coming to Baltimore. We wish to have both yourself and Colonel Rumsey. Without you, there will be no meeting of the Council of Safety on Monday. Pray send an express to Rumsey, to let him know our situation. J. Tilghman goes off to the Eastern-Shore on Monday or Tuesday.

We are, &c.

To Charles Carroll, Esq., Barrister.

TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.—LETTER IV.

The authors—or (if I must say) author of what is called Common Sense, has certainly had fair play. Full time has been allowed him by the sale of his pamphlet to reap the fruits of his labours, and gratify that avidity with which many are apt to devour doctrines that are out of the common way—bold, marvellous, and flattering. What was intended as a compliment to the publick—to give them time to gaze with their own eyes, and reason with their own faculties, upon this extraordinary appearance—the author’s vanity has construed wholly in his own favour. He has called repeatedly for answers, and announced his second edition to the world in the following strain of self-adulation: “That, as no answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will;” and, therefore, as may be fairly implied, that he is unanswerable. Why, then, when his challenge is accepted, will not he and his seconds fight upon fair terms? Why will they seek to draw the attention of the publick from things to men, refusing that quarter to others which the author of Common Sense craves for himself? “Who the author of this publication is, (says he,) is wholly unnecessary to the publick, as the object of attention is the doctrine itself, and not the man!” Can this sentence be reconciled to all the pother made about Cato—who and what he is? or does it not rather betray some symptoms of fear and cowardice, to beset him at the threshold, and seek to stop him in his march to the field? What, although he attempts to walk forth humbly with his staff in his hand, and has been somewhat late in filling his scrip with stones to meet this Goliah, should he therefore be tauntingly defied? If what is called Common Sense be really common sense, it is invulnerable, and every attack upon it will but add to the author’s triumph. If it should be proved, in any instances, to be nonsense, millions will be interested in the discovery; and to them I appeal.

Once more I repeat the design of these letters, in which I conceive a question to be involved of the greatest importance that ever came before us—a question not yet decided, and which ought, therefore, to be fully discussed. Opprobrious names can prove nothing here, except that they who use them have nothing better to say, and are afraid of their cause. It is probable that some may see their interest upon one side of the question, and some upon the other; but that the great body of the people can have any interest separate from their country, or (when fairly understood) pursue any other, is not to be imagined. If Cato may be believed, he can conscientiously class himself with this great body, and can assure his readers that the guesses hitherto made concerning him are rather unlucky.

Great pains have been taken to engage him in a contest with our Committee; but, as nothing has been quoted from him which concerns that body in general, he leaves his letters to answer for themselves; and if his comments on the circular letter to the County Committees should appear to the publick not to be well warranted, he will submit to their judgment. But he finds it would be endless to answer all the silly queries and daily scribble of his opponents; and has learned better than to be drawn from his main object by indulging them in this way. It would be too great a trespass upon the reader’s patience. He has viewed the ground on which he stands, and is not afraid to tread it in the sight of the most vigilant son of liberty; making that free use of the press which is promised to him, without the least violation of any resolve of this Continent hitherto made.

One side of a great question has been held up to us. We are told that it can never be our interest to have any future connection with Great Britain, and are pressed immediately to declare our total separation; for now is the time, and the time has found us. Could it be expected that all America would instantly take a leap in the dark? or that any who had not a predilection for the doctrine, or were capable of reasoning upon it, would swallow it in the gross, without wishing to hear the arguments on the other side? I am sure this is the wish of multitudes of good men—particularly of those who may be principally concerned in deciding the question, and whose earnest desire it is not only to know the sense of individuals, but the clear sense of their country upon it; without which, they could not think themselves at liberty to give their decision.

Upon this ground, then, I proceed, and shall rest the