opportunity of learning from these publick works; for it is thought an object of the greatest concern that private families should be induced to make it. The inconsiderable expense attending the making it in families, when the method is once understood, and the quantities that each family may make, should remove all objections to their putting it into immediate practice.

When we consider the great consumption of saltpetre, used as medicine, in preserving meat, and in gunpowder, even in times of peace, it should seem a sufficient inducement to private families to learn and practise this art; but most of all, when so large quantities are wanted for our necessary defence, and when it will, in a great measure, supply the want of salt, which the rage of our enemies may render scarce, it should not reasonably be supposed that any true American will neglect it.

As there can be no doubt but that every Colony may produce saltpetre enough, at least, for their own consumption, it is necessary that powder-mills be erected, and skilful persons provided to manufacture gunpowder, and proper regulations established for preventing their explosion.

It is supposed that sulphur may be found in many Colonies, and it is necessary that it should be collected. Trials may be made at places supposed to contain it, at no great expense.

It must afford great pleasure to find that some Colonies have already, in a measure, anticipated the design of these resolves; from the good effects of which, it is clearly evinced that we can never want the most abundant supply of ammunition from our own manufactures, but through inattention and neglect.

We doubt not you will consider these proceedings as designed to promote the best welfare of the Colonies, and that you will, as soon as may be, and from time to time, inform the Congress of the state of these manufactures in your Colony; of the quantity of saltpetre already made; the preparation for, and prospects of, increasing it; what quantities of gunpowder are already made; and the state of your powder-mills; and also, what discovery is made of sulphur mines, and the progress in working them.

Supposing the most approved method of making saltpetre may not have reached you, we have enclosed such as experience in some Colonies has recommended.

The laying together suitable composts, either in fences or beds, in order to collect nitrous matter, seems necessary to be immediately attended to, as the earth from under old buildings may soon be exhausted.

It is hoped this effort of the Congress will have the desired effect; without which, we have reason to fear it will, ere long, be said of us, that we are become slaves because we were not industrious enough to be free.

By order of the Committee, I subscribe myself your obedient, humble servant,

ROBERT TREAT PAINE.

To the Honourable the Convention or Council of Safety of the Colony of New-York.

P. S. I take the liberty herewith to send an extract from Dr. Brownrigg’s Treatise of making Salt. The climate is so suitable, and there are so many places on our sea-coasts where neither men-of-war nor cutters can come, where salt may be made in plenty, that it is hoped some persons of judgment and application will immediately undertake it.

The extract was made for the sake of those who are unacquainted with the original, to which recourse may easily be had by those who are disposed to manufacture white salt.

Any account of your success in these undertakings must give great pleasure to all lovers of America. R. T. P.

TO CATO.

Philadelphia, March 28, 1776.

To be nobly wrong is more manly than to be meanly right. Only let the error be disinterested—let it wear not the mask, but the mark of principle, and it is pardonable. It is on this large and liberal ground that we distinguish between men and their tenets, and generously preserve our friendship for the one, while we combat with every prejudice of the other. But let not Cato take this compliment to himself. He stands excluded from the benefit of the distinction—he deserves it not; and if the sincerity of disdain can add a cubit to the stature of my sentiments, it shall not be wanting.

It is indifferent to me who the writer of Cato’s letters are, and sufficient for me to know that they are gorged with absurdity, confusion, contradiction, and the most notorious and wilful falsehoods. Let Cato and his faction be against Independence, and welcome; their consequence will not now turn the scale; but let them have regard to justice, and pay some attention to the plain doctrine of reason. Where these are wanting, the sacred cause of truth applauds our anger, and dignifies it with the name of virtue.

Four letters have already appeared under the specious name of Cato. What pretensions the writer of them can have to the signature, the publick will best determine; while, on my own part, I prophetically content myself with contemplating the similarity of their exits. The first of those letters promised a second, the second a third, the third a fourth; the fourth has since made its appearance, and still the writer keeps wide of the question. Why doth he thus loiter in the suburbs of the dispute? Why hath he not shown us what the numerous blessings of reconciliation are, and proved them practicable? But he cunningly avoids the point. He cannot but discover the rock he is driving on. The fate of the Roman Cato is before his eyes; and that the publick may be prepared for his funeral, and for his funeral oration, I will venture to predict the time and the manner of his exit. The moment he explains his terms of reconciliation, the typographical Cato dies. If they be calculated to please the Cabinet, they will not go down with the Colonies; and if they be suited to the Colonies, they will be rejected by the Cabinet. The line of no-variation is yet unfound; and, like the Philosopher’s stone, doth not exist. “I am bold,” says Cato, “to declare, and yet hope to make it evident to every honest man, that the true interest of America lies in reconciliation with Great Britain on constitutional principles.”

This is a curious way of lumping the business, indeed! And Cato may as well attempt to catch lions in a mousetrap, as to hope to allure the publick with such general and unexplained expressions. It is now a mere bugbear to talk of reconciliation on constitutional principles, unless the terms of the first be produced, and the sense of the other be defined; and unless he does this, he does nothing.

To follow Cato through every absurdity and falsehood in the compass of a letter * is impossible; neither is it now necessary. Cassandra (and I thank him) hath saved me much trouble; there is a spirit in his remarks which honesty only can inspire, and a uniformity in the conduct of his letter which the want of principle never can arrive at. Mark that, Cato.

One observation, which I cannot help making on Cato’s letters, is, that they are addressed “To the People of Pennsylvania”; only. In almost any other writer this might have passed unnoticed; but we know it hath mischief in its meaning. The particular circumstance of a Convention is undoubtedly Provincial, but the great business of the day is Continental; and he who dares to endeavour to withdraw this Province from the glorious Union, by which all are supported, deserves the reprobation of all men. It is the true interest of the whole to go hand in hand; and dismal, in every instance, would be the fate of that Colony which should retreat from the protection of the rest.

The first of Cato’s letters is insipid in its style, language, and substance; crowded with personal and private inuendoes, and directly levelled against “the majesty of the people of Pennsylvania.” The Committee could only call, propose, or recommend a Convention; but, like all other publick measures, it still rested with the people at large whether they would approve it or not; and Cato’s reasoning on the right or wrong of that choice is contemptible; because, if the body of the people had thought, or should still think, that the Assembly, or any of their Delegates in Congress, by sitting under the embarrassment of oaths, and entangled with Government and Governours, are not so perfectly free as they ought to be, they undoubtedly had, and still have, both the right and the power to place even the whole authority of the Assembly in any body of men they please; and whoever is hardy enough to say to the contrary is an enemy to mankind. The Constitution of Pennsylvania