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willing to inlist in the service, if there were proper officers appointed. Lieutenant William Roe, of this County, (a man of a good character,) has signified his willingness to serve as Captain, if he could be favoured with a warrant for inlisting men. I do not think there is any reason to doubt of his military abilities; and if there should yet be a vacancy, I suppose he would raise a company as soon as any man within the compass of my acquaintance. Your prudence will direct.

I am, sir, in haste, your most humble servant,


To the New-York Committee of Safety.

P. S. The bearer hereof, David Mandeville, Jun., he has proposed for his First Lieutenant-a young man of a good character in Ulster County.

MR. CHAIRMAN, SIR: The gentlemen abovementioned are men of undoubted character, by information; from, sir, your humble servant,



Field and Staff Officers: William Floyd, Colonel; Gilbert Potter, Lieutenant-Colonel; Jeffrey Smith and Jesse Brush Majors; Phillips Rod, Adjutant; John Rod, Quartermaster.

CAPTAINS’ NAMES.Captains.Lieutenants.Ensigns.Sergeants.Corporals.Clerks.DrummersFifers.PrivatesTotal
Samuel Johnson12144111102117
Ebenezer Miller121441115671
Nathan Rose12144]1198113
William Brewster121441116782
P. Giletus Smith121441116782
Joshua Rogers12144111101114
Epenetus Conckling121441118599
Joel Scudder121441115165
John Buffet121441113852
Plot Vail121441114459
Gilbert Carle121441114156
Benajah Strong121441112338
Daniel Roe’s Minute Company121441116176*
* Whose time is expired, and now returned to the Militia.

Total 1030, including Field and Staff Officers.

The Minutemen, and those inlisted, and to be inlisted into the Continental service, to be taken from the above.

The Regiment is about two-thirds furnished with bayonets, and the others are getting them as fast as they can have them made. They are furnished with half a pound of powder, and two pounds of ball, per man; and a magazine in the Regiment is to furnish them with about as much more when it shall be wanted. They are pretty industrious in fixing their accoutrements, and I hope in a short time they will be tolerably well prepared.


To the Honourable Provincial Congress, or Committee of Safety, of New-York.


Council-Chamber, April 5, 1776.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

As a considerable number of our enemy’s ships continue to parade in Boston Harbour and the Bay, so as to obstruct all such assistance in wood, fish, and other provisions, &c., as the inhabitants of the Town of Boston might otherwise receive by water; and which also prevents such a survey of said harbour as the Court intended, previous to their taking any determinate measures to their erecting the most effectual fortifications for its defence; it is therefore earnestly recommended to your immediate consideration, whether one thousand men might not be employed to the best advantage, grounded on the partial survey already made, by taking post at the same instant at Long-Island, Pettick’s Island, and Nantasket; they being furnished with suitable cannon, ammunition, tents, or barracks, provisions, boats, &c.; such men (if not to be spared from the Continental Troops now under the direction of the Court) to be raised and imbodied immediately, upon the same pay with those raised for the defence of the sea-coasts, with such further encouragement as may be thought proper for every armed vessel of our enemy taken or destroyed by them.

In the name, and by order of the Council:

JAMES OTIS, President.


Williamsburgh, April 6, 1776.

MY COUNTRYMEN: Since our enemies talk of offering to us terms of accommodation, and propose, as a foundation for treaty, the good favour shown to their own officers and soldiers in Boston and its environs, in granting them liberty to eat potatoes and fish, I said it would be but fair to state our demands on the opposite column. Before our dissensions were carried to such a height, and our injuries multiplied to such an enormous degree, for the sake of peace, and to get as well rid as we could of their insolence, we only required them to repeal all the acts they had thought proper to add to the Constitution since the year 1763. But can any American, with patience, think of suffering them to commit what ravages they please; and, when they feel their power too weak to accomplish all their iniquitous projects, then to make up the difference upon their own terms? Can we condescend to accept of a peace, that, however proper it might have been a few years ago, in our present circumstances can have no colour of equity? Reflect what an enormous expense the Colonies have incurred, how many losses they have sustained by this dispute, that, in all reason, ought to be defrayed by the aggressors against the publick peace, who have committed the depredations, and occasioned the expense. I am too remote from the centre of intelligence to be able to make an exact estimate of the injuries we have suffered during this war. I shall enumerate some of the capital articles, such as have come under every man’s observation; and that, when collected and arranged together, will amount to a sum which will, perhaps, surprise common newspaper readers, who have never taken the trouble of computing it. To begin with the largest sum: I think they are very justly chargeable with the loss of our trade, and of all the profits that annually accrued from it. These, if I mistake not, have been generally estimated at a round sum of four millions per annum—a loss which we in this Colony most sensibly feel, in the almost total want of cash; our staple becomes a useless lumber; all our other merchantable commodities reduced to half price; and three hundred and fifty thousand slaves rendered incapable of doing us any essential service.

Our next considerable loss is the destruction of the towns of Boston and Charlestoum, and their neighbourhood, which, with the other losses of the inhabitants, we may fairly compute at one million and fifty thousand pounds. To reduce these to particulars, the burning of about one thousand houses, valued very moderately, is one hundred and fifty thousand pounds; and for the defacing of the rest, and destruction of merchandise, &c, we may reckon double that sum; and the expense of thirty thousand inhabitants driven from their habitations, to subsist as they can in the country; because it makes no difference in the publick loss whether they support themselves out of their own private fortunes, or are provided for by common charity; these, I say, we cannot rate at less, upon an average, than twenty pounds per man, annually, which makes a charge of six hundred thousand pounds; and the whole amount is one million and fifty thousand pounds, as above. But, to put off all objection, let us rate it at a million, which will be due to us at the beginning of May instant.

Next to this we may place the burning of Norfolk and some small towns in New-England. The damage may be estimated at four hundred thousand pounds; and other incidental charges for piracies, robberies, and sheep-stealing, (which, by-the-by, would have been reckoned felony in England,) at fifty thousand.

Add to these the expenses of the war, which I know no better way of estimating than from the bills of credit that have been emitted for the supporting of it; and which, in our present circumstances, must unavoidably be so much publick loss, when this money comes to be redeemed. This sum is pretty easily come at. The Congress have issued

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