willing to draw off the British fleets from blocking up our ports. Our ports are now effectually shut by the fleets of Great Britain, and there is a total stop put to our exports. We have not yet a fleet which can open them. Our grain is spoiling, and the powers of Europe longing for an opportunity of taking it off our hands. All this can be removed by the alliance proposed. But Cato sees this would eternally frustrate the designs of his party. He has therefore laboured, by every artifice of cunning, to prevent our taking any step of the kind. He hopes the country will, by this means, be brought to submit, and he will triumph in our folly. But where is the real danger to our liberties, Cato, in accepting the assistance of our neighbouring fleet until we have time to fit out one for the purpose? Were we to do this, would not agriculture and commerce flourish as usual?

“That much of our former felicity was owing to the protection of England, is not to be denied; and that we might still derive greater advantages from her protection and friendship, if not valued at too high a price, is equally certain,” says Cato. I could pardon a few Israelitish murmurings and hankerings for the onions of Egypt; but to be incessantly called back to what we enjoyed while Joseph lived, when behold a Pharaoh now reigns who knew him not, is insult not to be endured. Cato cannot pretend ignorance of the price of the friendship he so strongly urges us to court. If he does, he is certainly a very dangerous guide for the good people to whom his letters are addressed. Cassandra affirms that the price is no less than an absolute surrender of all our rights, liberties, and property; and these once, given up, he would gladly be informed what more is left for any power to invade. All animals, under absolute domination, are nursed only to be fleeced. However problematical may be the question of nursing the Colonies, we have had the fleecing demonstrated with a vengeance.

Cato adds: “If the present differences can be accommodated, there is scarce a probability that she will ever renew the late fatal system of policy, or attempt to employ force against us.” Two reasons induce me to think the mode of attack would indeed be altered; for, obstinate as the author of our oppression is, he cannot longer flatter himself of our falling an easy prey to his force, if now incessantly continued. His clemency would then certainly dippose him most graciously to enslave us by his experienced and much more successful method of intrigue. But as Cato allows it is not altogether improbable that his force may be employed against us in some future day, Cassandra would gladly be informed by what means we can be secured from that force, when, by the treaty of protection, we are cut off from the right of establishing a force of our own.

Conscious that this poor contrivance is prodigious stale, a thousand times repeated, and as often refuted by most stubborn arguments, founded on twelve years’ invariable procedure, and really despairing to hold the people long in expectation of “former protection,” or any more than a mere delusive change of the mode of attack, and that change as ill disguised as any that have preceded it, Cato adds, (as if all were one connected proposition,) “If they will not make up on constitutional principles, we have arms in our hands, and virtue enough to use them.” As to corruption, Cato would have us believe there is hardly a man on the Continent in danger from that quarter. Would to God we had abundant evidence of this universal integrity. Respecting the arms, Cato, with much devotion I praise the Director of human affairs that we have them in our hands; and I pray and confide in His overruling providence, that we may there keep them till our rights are placed on a firmer foundation than the mere grace of a conniver at the destruction of millions on one side the globe, and contriver of the devastations now daily committing on the other. Well might Cato tell us of our arms, for he clearly foresaw that no wise man could conceive himself safe in reconcilement on his principles, without holding them in his hands continually.

This paragraph, after flourishing away on the original ground of the contest, concludes: “And if, hereafter, in fullness of time, it should be thought necessary to separate from the land that gave birth to our ancestors, it will be in our perfect state of manhood, when we can wield our arms, and protect our commerce and coasts by our own fleets, without looking to any nation on earth for assistance.” Well said, Cato. Here we agree for once. But now that we are on good terms with each other, let me ask you, in a friendly manner, how we are to become masters of this fine fleet? Does Cato propose to insist upon it, as a term of constitutional reconciliation with the Ambassadors, that we shall be allowed to build such a fleet? Or does he conceive that when we arrive at just twenty-one years of age, and about to commence as house-keepers, our dear mother country will make us a present of such a fleet to set up with? I confess myself greatly incredulous of either. If Cato can clear up my doubts on these important heads, I will be much obliged to him.

“It has been asserted,” says Cato, “that we are able, with our land forces, to defend ourselves against the whole world; that if commerce be an advantage, we may command what foreign alliance we please; that the moment we declare ourselves an independent people, there are nations ready to face the British thunder, and become carriers of our commodities to enrich themselves; and if this were not the case, we can soon build navies to force and protect a trade,” &c. Of this, Cato here intimates his suspicion, “because,” says he, “it is not fully proved.” Cassandra will prove the first assertion from unquestionable authority, for Cato, in his fourth letter, says: “I will even go beyond him in expressing my good opinion of our situation. He thinks foreign assistance necessary to us. I think otherwise. We are able to defend our own rights, and to frustrate the attempt of any nation upon earth to govern us by force.” Cassandra hopes, in a short time, to prove every assertion of Common Sense from the same authority. He wishes every position of Cato was equally consistent with Common Sense.

CASSANDRA.

P. S. As the Common Man has called us to a fair discussion of the point, we once for all request every printer on the Continent, who publishes Cato’s Letters, to publish our replies, and particularly Mr. Sowers, of Germantown, that the subject may not only have a full diffusion, but a fair hearing.

NATHANIEL MILLS AND OTHERS TO NEW-YORK PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.

Jamaica, Long-Island, April 13, 1776.

Gentlemen: We, the subscribers, inhabitants of the Township of Jamaica, in Queen’s County, on Long-Island, beg leave to acquaint you that we have heretofore been disarmed by order of the Continental Congress, which we peaceably and quietly submitted to, as not having it in our intention to act contrary to their resolves, or the resolves of your Congress. Notwithstanding which, we have lately been plundered of our cattle and effects, which have been publickly sold at vendue for half their value, in consequence of an order issued by Captain Ephraim Bailey, in this township, for not appearing in arms, and answering to our names, when it is well known we have been deprived of our arms, and thereby disqualified for any such service. Besides which, it appears to us quite contrary to a late resolve of the Continental Congress.

We therefore, gentlemen, request it as a favour that you will be pleased to take this matter into your serious consideration, and, if the treatment we have received does not proceed from any order or direction of yours, that you will be pleased to give us such relief as you may think necessary; in which, gentlemen, you will oblige your respectful, humble servants,

To the Honourable the Provincial Congress, in New-York.

EGBERT BENSON TO DELEGATES FROM DUTCHESS COUNTY.

Rhinebeck Precinct, April 13, 1776.

SIR: The Committee in this Precinct have lately committed Mordecai Lester, Esq., and a certain Frederick Klein, to the Jail in Kingston, as the peace and security of the