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You have probably heard that our Convention did not meet agreeable to their late adjournment. On Friday evening twenty-six members, who were collected, agreed to separate, and that G. Duvall should write a circular letter, informing the Delegates that the members assembled recommended the holding a Convention on the 27th of May. We enclose, also, a copy of their circular letter.

The indignity offered our Board by the Committee of Safety of Virginia, and the want of confidence in the Baltimore Committee, (to say nothing more harsh,) we cannot help complaining of. We know of no good cause for this insult in passing us by, nor can we conceive what motives could induce such treatment. We send you by Mr. Green (who will hand you this) thirteen hundred and seventy-two pounds seven pence, currency, in gold, for the Continental service. W. P. has delivered in the money he brought from the Treasury. Be pleased to forward the money-plates by Mr. Green, if not already sent.

We are, &c.

To the Deputies for Maryland in Congress.

P. S. The last ton of Continental powder, if not already sent to Chester, we would have ordered to Baltimore, having already sent powder to the Eastern-Shore. The copies of the Governour’s letters, &c., are sent in confidence, and are not to be printed. Our answer to his Excellency’s letter you shall receive by the next post.

The following is a copy of Lord DARTMOUTH’S Letter to Governour EDEN.

[No. 4. Duplicate.] Whitehall, July 5, 1775.

SIR: Your brother has been so obliging as to communicate to me, from time to time, such intelligence as you have transmitted to him respecting the affairs in Maryland, and about ten days ago I had the satisfaction to receive your letter of the 5th of May. I sincerely wish you may not have been too sanguine in your hopes that the time is not far distant when peace and harmony will be restored, and confidence re-established on a permanent basis; at the same time I observe, with satisfaction, what you say of the temper and moderation of the persons chosen to represent the Province of Maryland in the Continental Congress; and I am not without some reason to believe that there may be others in that Congress of the same disposition.

At present, however, the rebellious proceedings of the people, in most of the Colonies, wear the appearance of an actual revolt; and it is his Majesty’s firm resolution, in consequence of the advices which he has received, that the most vigorous efforts should be made, both by sea and land, to reduce his rebellious subjects to obedience; and the proper measures are now pursuing, not only for augmenting the Army under General Gage, but also for making such addition to our naval strength in North-America as may enable Admiral Graves to make such a disposition of his fleet as that, besides the squadron necessary for the New-England station, there may be separate squadrons at New-York, within the Bay of Delaware, in Chesapeake-Bay, and upon the coast of Carolina. After what has passed, there can be no doubt what ought to be the plan of operations for the squadron upon the New-England station; and I think it necessary to acquaint you, for your own information, that Admiral Graves will be instructed to exert the most vigorous efforts for suppressing the rebellion now openly avowed and supported in that country, and to seize and detain all ships and vessels belonging to the inhabitants thereof, such only excepted as are the property of persons who are friends of Government, and have shown an attachment to the Constitution.

There is still some room to hope that the Colonies to the southward may not proceed to the same lengths with those of New-England. It is, however, his Majesty’s intentions that the commanders of the separate squadrons I have mentioned should be instructed to prevent all commerce between the Colonies within their respective stations and any other places than Great Britain, Ireland, or his Majesty’s Islands in the West-Indies; that they should receive on board and give protection to any officers of the Crown who may be compelled, by the violence of the people, to seek for such an asylum; and to proceed, as in case of a town in actual rebellion against such of the seaport towns, being accessible to the King’s ships, as shall hereafter offer any violence to the King’s officers, or in which any troops shall be raised, or military works erected other than by his Majesty’s authority, or any attempts made to seize or plunder any publick magazine of arms or ammunition.

With regard to the plan of operations to be adopted by General Gage, it must depend upon his own judgment, and the opinion of the able Generals with him; and I have only to add, that it is his Majesty’s express command that you do exert every endeavour, and employ every means in your power, to aid and support him and Admiral Graves in all such operations as they may think proper to undertake for carrying the King’s orders into full execution, and restoring the authority of his Majesty’s Government.

The attention you appear to have given to the preservation of peace and good order in your Government, is very much approved of by the King; and I have his Majesty’s commands to assure you of his Royal acquiescence in your wish to return to England, when the state of your affairs in your Government will admit of it. In the mean time, I hope your private affairs here will not suffer by the very honourable resolution you have taken of remaining in Maryland so long as the present disorders continue.

I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,


The two following are copies of Letters from WILLIAM EDEN, Esquire, one of the Under Secretaries of State, to His Excellency ROBERT EDEN, Esquire.

Downing-Street, November 15, 1775.

MY DEAR BOB: Tom Eden is so violent a patriot, that he will not let me write one word worth your reading, as he says that my accursed politicks have already brought a slur on the blood of our family. Take plain facts, therefore, without any comment. Lord Dartmouth has quitted the seals for the privy seal, which was vacated by the dismission of the Duke of Grafton, his grace having made a crane-necked turn in his politicks since last year. It is another of my disgraces to be honoured with the friendship of your new principal, who, I believe, will fill his department ably and actively, and is particularly intimate with the Commanders-in-Chief on your Continent. Lord Rochford has retired on honourable and amicable terms; we are removing to his office as senior, but retain the Northern Department. Lord Weymouth succeeds to the Southern; the other smaller promotions you will sec in the papers. About four-fifths of the House of Commons continue as blindly devoted as your humble servant to a system of exertion that this nation can make beyond any nation in the world, and that we are fools enough to think the nation thoroughly disposed to make. You, who are a moderate man, and wish well and kindly to both parties, at the same time that you dislike the extremes of the language and the conduct pursued by both, will distinguish truth from falsehood in the strange jumble of misrepresentations with which our newspapers are stuffed. I shall only add, for the present, that I hope we shall all find some bridge at last to lead us back to our old good humour and prosperity; but we have a rough road to go over before we can arrive at it.

Believe me ever, very affectionately, yours,


Downing-Street, December 24, 1775.

MY DEAR BROTHER: I am very unable to say a tenth part of what 1 ought to say to you this evening, when there is so much to be said, and so few opportunities of saying it; but my head is disabled by this influenza, (which has disabled us all by turns,) and my attention, as far as I am competent to employ it, is engaged by official business.

Our campaign this year has certainly not been brilliant; and the news (reported a few days ago, and confirmed this morning) of the taking of St. John’s, completes our disgrace. We have wanted a few hard knocks to rouse us, and I trust that we are roused—at least we had the knocks; I also trust that we are not stunned by them, but animated to a just sense of the contest in which we are engaged, and determined (and let me add able) to take measures equal to its difficulties. You have rather a predilection for America. Let me repeat to you, however, what I have always said,

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