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JOHN ADAMS TO GENERAL GATES. Philadelphia, -April 27, 1776. DEAR SIR: Your favour of the 23d, I received yesterday, and it put me in a good humour, the benefit of which I feel to this moment, and shall continue to experience a long time. Were you idle enough to read the tales in the London papers and magazines a few years ago, concerning the CockLane Ghost, and the others concerning a man of six feet high who leaped into a quart bottle and corked himself up? Do you remember that a great part of the nation, perhaps a majority, believed these marvellous lies to be true? If you recollect these things, you will not wonder that the tales of Commissioners to treat with Congress should have gained credit with many in America, nor will you wonder that many pretend to believe them who do not. I think with you, that it requires a faith which can remove mountains to believe that liberty and safety can ever be hereafter enjoyed by America, in any subjection to the government of Great Britain. Dependance and subordination to Great Britain, always indeterminate and nonsensical expressions, if they mean anything, must now mean perpetual animosity, discord, civil war; encroachment and usurpation on one side, and discontent, mutiny, sedition, riot, and resistance, on the other; unless it terminates in downright submission, and that no doubt would be followed with persecution and imprisonment, scorn and insults, blocks, halters and gibbets. Your opinion of Indians, and the best policy in our management of them, may be right for anything that I know; but as I know little of them, I always leave the measures relating to them to gentlemen who know a great deal. It is said they are very expensive and troublesome confederates in war, besides the incivility and inhumanity of employing such savages, with their cruel, bloody dispositions, against any enemy whatever. Nevertheless such have been the extravagancies of British barbarity, in prosecuting the war against us, that I think we need not be so delicate as to refuse the assistance of Indians, provided we cannot keep them neutral. I should not hesitate a moment in this case. That we have been a little tardy in providing for Canada is true, owing to innumerable difficulties. However, we have been roused at last, and I hope have done pretty well. If you think we have not, let me know it, and whatever you may think further necessary, if it is not done, it shall not be my fault. I am grieved to find the least intimation of langor among my countrymen in fortifying Boston and its harbour. I have not written a letter since we received news of your success in driving the enemy from that town, without stuffing it with exhortations as well as plans for the fortification of that harbour. Warren writes me that they have sent a Committee to fortify the harbour, so that I hope it will be done. I hope General Washington will send one. Your opinion of the difficulties General Howe will meet with in attempting to get up the St. Lawrence early, gives me great comfort. God send him wind and sea enough. Am sorry to learn there are so many Tories where you are. They must be watched. But there is one measure which I think should lessen the number of them. If the Provincial Congress and Committee of Safety could be convinced of the propriety, utility, and necessity of following the virtuous and glorious example of South-Carolina, in instituting a complete Government in that Colony, I think there would be a great revolution of sentiment in the city, and through the whole Province, and most of their divisions and distractions removed. The Tories will have a pernicious influence, and will be indefatigable in their intrigues, insinuations, and cabals, in every Colony, while every one of them holds an office under a King. When “thrones, dominations, princedoms, powers,” in the language of Milton, are excluded from their ideas of Government, Toryism will be disarmed of its sting. You ask me what you are to think of Robert Morris? I will tell you what 1 think of him. I think he has a masterly understanding, an open temper, and an honest heart; and if he does not always vote for what you and I should think proper, it is because he thinks that a large body of people remains, who are not yet of his mind. He has vast designs in the mercantile way; and no doubt pursues mercantile ends, which are always gain; but he is an excellent member of our body. Pray continue to write me, for a letter from yon cures me of all anxiety and ill-humour for two or three days at least, and besides that, leaves me better informed in many things, and confirmed in my good resolutions for my whole life. Yours without disguise, &c. JOHN ADAMS. To General Gates. P. S. There is a Major Wrixon here, a fine sensible fellow, a Field Officer in Germany last war, a man of letters, sense, and spirit, the best principles. I wish you were a Major-General and he Adjutant-General. What say you to it? JOHN JAY TO NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. Philadelphia, April 27, 1770. GENTLEMEN: The Congress having been informed of a very extraordinary oath ordered by Governour Tryon to be administered to passengers in the late packet, whereby they bound themselves not to disclose anything relative to American affairs except to the Ministry, have appointed a Committee (of which I am one) to ascertain this fact. I must therefore request of you, gentlemen, to appoint proper persons to examine into this matter, and, if possible, ascertain the truth of the report, by affidavits taken before the Mayor, or one of the Judges of the Superior Court. I have the honour to he, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, JOHN JAY. To the honourable the Committee of Safety for the Colony of New-York. JOHN JAY TO COLONEL MCDOUGALL. Philadelphia, April 27, 1776. DEAR COLONEL: Accept my thanks for your friendly letter of the 16th instant, and its enclosures, which contain useful as well as agreeable information. I am glad to see New-York doing something in the Naval way, and think the encouragement given by your Convention to the manufacture of arms, powder, saltpetre, and sea-salt, does them honour. Many of the reasons you allege for delaying taxation are weighty, and I confess did not occur to me. It is certainly unreasonable to impose on the city, in its present circumstances, so great a share of the publick expenses. The late election, so far as it respects yourself, has taken a turn I did not expect, and am at a loss to account for, except on the principle of your holding a military office, or that mutability which, from various causes, often strongly marks popular opinions of men and measures in times like these. But whatever may have been the reason, I am persuaded that the zeal you have shown and the sacrifices you have made in this great cause will always afford you the most pleasing reflections, and will one day not only merit, but receive the gratitude of your fellow-citizens. Posterity, you know, always does justice. Let no circumstance of this kind diminish your ardour; but by persevering in a firm, uniform course of conduct, silence detraction and compel approbation. I am much obliged to you for your kind attention to my house; and be assured that I shall omit no opportunity of evincing the esteem and sincerity with which I am your friend and humble servant, JOHN JAY. To Colonel J. McDougall. CASSANDRA TO CATO. I have engaged in the present political controversy with a design to be of service to my country. On an impartial inquiry into the present state of the British Constitution, it appears to me that it is out of the power of the British Legislature to give us security for the future enjoyment of our rights and liberties; and on this ground I have opposed a reunion. I have examined everything advanced by you on the subject, and find them wide of the mark. The point with me has ever been, what will secure our liberties? The question of interest is ever determined thereby. National prosperity and national happiness are incompatible with national slavery. It is of small consequence to America, whether God has granted a King to the People of Britain
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