very loyal party. Every sensible man must know that the King of Great Britain had so material a share in the government of this Province, that the legislative nor executive powers in it can proceed one ace without him; and well did a worthy Grand Juror object to inquiring anything respecting the crown and dignity of a man who has rendered the idea of a crown detestable to the whole Western World. The Constitution is, therefore, (by the breach of Royal faith in refusing to govern according to solemn compact with all his people,) broken to pieces; and the Committee of Inspection were greatly right in proposing to call a Convention to take the state of the Province into consideration. It is easy to judge from what quarter the proposal for a more equal representation at last came. It was concluded this manœuvre would have a tendency to quiet the people, by taking one of the most unanswerable objections to the present Administration out of their mouths. You cannot, however, forget that this partial redress was a very late one, and Only conceded to prevent a radical reformation.

The Patriots, notwithstanding, persuaded themselves that, in the then critical situation of affairs, it was best to acquiesce in a measure which they hoped would keep us united, rather than risk a dissension in the too violent opposition to rooted prejudices, which was necessary to clear the way for the reestablishment of a real free Constitution, on the only firm basis of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. But remember, fellow-citizens, that, in the transaction of May 1st, you are to consider yourselves as rather acting upon a renewed system, than with too scrupulous attention to any unreasonable custom that may have crept into your old one. On this head you will suffer me to be something particular. The custom has been to deny the right of voting to all persons who have come from Germany, &c., until they have been naturalized, and taken such oaths as men nowadays much object to; and, what seems peculiar to this city alone, all men below the estate of fifty pounds are precluded. Now, I must profess myself of the Forester’s opinion, that every man in the country who manifests a disposition to venture his all for the defence of its liberty should have a voice in its Councils. Persons so abject as to have neither will nor sentiment of their own are readily distinguished, and cannot give much trouble. Burgesses, according to the excellent author of an Historical Essay on the English Constitution, “were elected by every resident inhabitant that paid his shot and bore his lot.”—p. 28. This, I will affirm, is the ancient, free Constitution, which every honest man will venture his blood to restore. “There were three things,” says the same author, in the next page, “essentially necessary to form a Saxon Government, which they applied to every case where a combined interest was concerned; and these were, a Court of Council, a Court of Law, and a Chief Magistrate. A Court of Council, to consider what was for the benefit of the whole society.” Now, such a Court of Council can hardly be expected from a Qualification Law like that of Queen Anne, vesting the elective power only in the hands of the opulent. To such a pernicious partiality it is owing that the poor in England are loaded with excises on the indispensable necessaries of life. Every man who pays his shot and bears his lot is naturally and constitutionally an elector in a city. And, more especially, I will affirm, that every citizen who has armed and associated to defend the Commonwealth is and should be an elector; and every non-associator and stickler for dependancy on the power that is now in actual depredation of our rights, liberties, and all that is dear to us, should be kept far from our Councils; and, unless they very speedily mend their destructive manners, sent to the haunts of despotism, where they may mix with their congenial spirits, and, with all the gratification of his Infernal Majesty’s august courtiers, solace themselves in constant contemplation of human misery.

AN ELECTOR.

TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

[Read April 30, 1776.]

Philadelphia Jail, April 29, 1776.

GENTLEMEN: Having the favourable opportunity of Doctor McLean, I would beg leave to lay before the Continental Congress a faithful and true account of the causes and circumstances that induced me to enter on this unfortunate expedition. Lamenting, with the most sincere grief, this unhappy and unnatural contest, and wishing to avoid being active on either side, I endeavoured to remove to my lands I have on the Mississippi, in West-Florida, from the disagreeable scene; but being prevented by some very aggravating and unfortunate circumstances from accomplishing this design, I went to Norfolk, with intention (I own) to join his Majesty’s arms, even as a volunteer, until something better should occur. When I arrived there, notwithstanding my own recent injuries, I disapproved of their violences so much that I resolved to follow my profession in the town in a private way; but, unfortunately for me, some expression of moderation of mine to Lord Dunmore and others caused me to be accused of being a spy. This ridiculous suspicion was so strong that Captain Squire threatened to carry me on board the Otter as a prisoner, and his Lordship sent a file of men to bring my servant before him for examination. This being cleared up, and finding that the inhabitants were leaving Norfolk, I had a prospect of being appointed Surgeon of some of his Majesty’s ships; but in the meantime being offered the commission of Surgeon to the new regiment on this intended expedition, and persuaded by Colonel Connolly, (whom I never knew before, and conceived to be a regular officer,) I very inconsiderately accompanied him, which I am now sorry for; but then, every concurring circumstance, particularly these suspicions against me, prevented me from refusing. Deceived by misrepresentation and false appearances, I was led into the snare, which proper reflection (had I not neglected it) would have made me avoid. But I absolutely and solemnly disclaim all knowledge of setting the Indians loose on the defenceless inhabitants; that and every other species of inhumanity I deprecate and abhor. I arrived at Norfolk on the 5th of November, 1775; we left it on the 13th; and, on the 20th, were made prisoners in Maryland, where we were closely confined. On the 29th of December I escaped, with despatches for the garrison of Detroit and Illinois, (for purposes which you already know, having got the letters,) and had a bill on Captain Lord for two hundred dollars to supply me with necessaries, being obliged to leave my clothes and go in disguise, not as a reward, which I despise and scorn—in that light no man would have made such an attempt; but from what I have since discovered, I have also great reason to repent this. I was retaken over the Alleghany Mountains on the 10th of January, and immediately brought to this city, where I have been ever since, very closely confined, to the real prejudice of my health, perpetually shut up in a very close, damp room, without air or exercise. I beg leave, gentlemen, to assure you that my health is greatly impaired; that my hands and feet frequently swell up suddenly to such a degree as to be entirely useless for a considerable time afterwards, besides a loss of appetite. I am also very often seized with violent pain and extreme sickness, and fainting, so that unless you will be so kind as to enlarge me, I really think my life will soon be greatly endangered; I therefore earnestly solicit an enlargement on parole as a particular favour in these circumstances. If you will be so good as to grant me this, I solemnly promise that whatever place or terms you may prescribe me shall be most strictly and religiously adhered to.

Understanding there have been injurious reports of me, I also would beg leave to declare, that every party or personal prejudice, pique, or resentment, I absolutely disclaim or despise. Devoted to Britain, and a friend to America, I most sincerely wish for a reconciliation on constitutional principles, and lament the effusion of blood on both sides with unfeigned concern. No man would more cheerfully than I venture his life in the cause of America against any power but Britain to which education and nature inspire me with a reverential attachment. A sincere friend to freedom, I never wished the liberty of a British subject to be abridged throughout the wide extended empire; and I was so far from thinking the obnoxious acts of Parliament just, or of disapproving of a steady constitutional opposition to them, that nothing could have induced me to join or be active on either side, but the impossibility of remaining neutral. I then engaged in favour of the country to which I was attached by nature and by birth, but with the melancholy and painful reflection that even victory in reality was loss, and with ardent wishes for a speedy and amicable adjustment. These, gentlemen, are and ever have been, my true, undisguised sentiments; and I hope my sincerity will