effects, so often echoed through that House, and which it had been said would flow from the measures pursued by Administration and supported by Parliament, had been yet, nor were likely to be felt.

The Marquis of Rockingham, after enumerating the conduct of the several Administrations for some years past respecting America, condemned the speech, which he called the speech of the Minister, in very pointed terms; and contended that the measures recommended from the Throne were big with the most portentous and ruinous consequences.

His Lordship then proposed an amendment to be made to the motion, by inserting after the word “Throne” in the first paragraph, these words:

[“That we behold, with the utmost concern, the disorders and discontents in the British Colonies rather increased than diminished by the means which have been used to suppress and allay them; a circumstance alone sufficient to give this House just reason to fear, that those means were not originally well considered, or properly adapted to answer the ends to which they were directed.

“We are satisfied, by experience, that this misfortune has, in a great measure, arisen from the want of full and proper information being laid before Parliament of the true state and condition of the Colonies; by reason of which, measures have been carried into execution injudicious and inefficacious, from whence no salutary end was reasonably to be expected, tending to tarnish the lustre of the British arms, to bring discredit on the wisdom of his Majesty’s councils, and to nourish, without hope of end, a most unhappy civil war.

“Deeply impressed with a sense of this melancholy state of the publick concerns, we shall, on the fullest information we can obtain, and with the most mature deliberation we can employ, review the whole of the late proceedings, that we may be enabled to discover, as we shall be most willing to apply, the most effectual means for restoring order to the distracted affairs of the British empire, confidence to his Majesty’s Government, obedience, by a prudent and temperate use of its powers, to the authority of Parliament, and satisfaction and happiness to all his people.

“By these means, we trust, we shall avoid any occasion for having recourse to the alarming and dangerous expedient of calling in foreign forces to the support of his Majesty’s authority within his own dominions, and the still more dreadful calamity of shedding British blood by British hands.”]

The Earl of Coventry asserted the authority of the Supreme Legislature over the Colonies, but condemned, in express terms, the madness and absurdity of expecting to reduce them by mere measures of coercion, so as to answer any one rational purpose of sovereignty, commerce, or finance. He told the noble Lords in office that they had no alternative left, but either to relinquish all connection with the Colonies, or to adopt conciliatory measures; the idea of conquering them was wild and extravagant, he said, even in the event of victory; because if they should be vanquished they would be worth nothing to the mother country; and would, besides, call for such a standing military force to keep them in subjection, as we could never be able to support. In short, the whole of his argument went to this: the hazard of failing in the attempt to reduce them; the little value they would be of when conquered; and, above all, the inability of Great Britain to retain, for any considerable time, such a species of dominion; put in the opposite scale against the innumerable advantages we must immediately forego in such a contest, and the substantial benefits we must continue to reap from a state of tranquillity, reciprocal good temper, and mutual confidence.

The Earl of Rochford said, he had every reason, as well from repeated assurances as from the real disposition of the Courts of Madrid and Versailles, to be perfectly satisfied that there was nothing to be dreaded from that quarter; there being, at present, a perfect good correspondence subsisting between those Courts and Great Britain. His Lordship concluded with ridiculing the absurdity of supposing that France and Spain would interfere in the disputes under consideration, remarking that it was by no means the prevailing policy of the House of Bourbon to set so dangerous an example to their subjects in the New World, by assisting the British Colonies to shake off the dominion of the mother country.

The Duke of Grafton condemned the measures recommended in the speech, and the conduct of Administration during the last twelve months. The amendment did not entirely meet his ideas; he therefore could not vote for it; but he should certainly give the Address itself a negative. His general sentiments respecting America were well known; he should not therefore take up their Lordships’ time in explaining them. It was true, he had supported Administration, but it was upon a general idea that means of conciliation might be devised and adopted. He expressed his ignorance of the true state of America, and asserted that he had been misled and deceived; for that reason chiefly he could not think of concurring any longer in measures of which he never really approved, but to which he lent his countenance, in expectation that the stronger Government was the more likely matters were to be amicably adjusted. He had a proposition which, with their Lordships’ leave, he would submit to the House. He knew it could not originate with their Lordships, as it must come through the other House, because it would affect the revenue. Perhaps, said his Grace, it will not gain your approbation entirely this night; but, believe me, you will like it better to-morrow, and still better in three days hence. It will daily grow in your esteem. In a fortnight, I promise you, it will have more friends, until at length it will gain universal assent and approbation. The proposition is only this: to bring in a bill for repealing every act (I think there are thirteen) which has been passed in this country since the year 1763, relative to America. This, I will venture to assert, will answer every end; and nothing less will accomplish any effectual purpose, without scenes of ruin and destruction which I cannot think on without the utmost grief and horror. But, my Lords, though I had entertained a contrary opinion to what I do, I could by no means consent to agree with this Address in the form it is now presented. I confess I could not, at any time within my recollection, venture, either in conscience or judgment, to give it my support. The necessity of hiring foreign troops for garrisoning our two valuable and important fortresses is not accompanied with sufficient information to justify so extraordinary and unprecedented an act. It is, indeed, accompanied by none. Besides, this Address takes in the whole of the measures to be adopted, without a single fact being stated or a tittle of Information given to point out their rectitude or necessity. We do not know the extent of the expenses we may be put to, the general outline of the operations intended, nor the various consequences we may bind ourselves to by such an engagement. In fine, my Lords, if I were not truly touched by the present very critical situation of this country, I bad a sufficient apology for absenting myself on account of a very indifferent state of health; if I were not convinced that silence in my situation would be construed into acquiescence, if not direct approbation. But I trust your Lordships will credit me, and I am convinced that my brethren in office are satisfied, that nothing but the most full and perfect conviction of my being in the right could prevail on me, under the circumstances before alluded to, to attend thus early in the session to give my vote; nor shall my indisposition prevent me from answering what I look upon as the strongest call of duty; for should it continue to increase, I pledge myself to your Lordships and my country, that, if necessity should require it, and my health not otherwise permit it, I mean to come down to this House in a litter, in order to express my full and hearty disapprobation of the measures now pursuing; and, as I understand from the noble Lords in office, meant to be pursued. I do protest to your Lordships, that if my brother or my dearest friend were to be affected by the vote I mean to give this evening, I could not possibly resist the faithful discharge of my conscience and my duty. Were I to lose my fortune, and every other thing I esteem; were I to be reduced to beggary itself, the strong conviction and compulsion at once operating on my mind and conscience would not permit me to take any other part on the present occasion than that I now mean to adopt.

The Earl of Sandwich remarked, that the framers and supporters of the amendment, after stating the facts, that the disorders in America had rather increased than diminished; instead of assigning the causes that followed this assertion, should have assigned the only true cause, which was, the open and avowed support and countenance given to the rebels, by men who, under a pretended regard for their country, encouraged, from the worst motives, an unnatural

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