have now assumed the powers of sovereign authority, which they exercise in the most despotick and arbitrary manner, over the persons and properties of this deluded people.

“Your faithful Commons took a sincere part in your Majesty’s benevolent and parental desire rather to reclaim than to subdue, the most refractory of your Colonies; and, excited by your Majesty’s great example, we were anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of our fellow-subjects, and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war. We still hoped that your Majesty’s people in America would have discerned the traitorous views of their leaders; would have considered how ruinous even their success must be to themselves, and been convinced that constitutional subjection to Great Britain is the freest and happiest condition of any civil society in the known world; but we now see, with indignation, that no other use has been made of the moderation and forbearance of your Majesty and your Parliament, but to strengthen the preparations of this desperate conspiracy; and that the rebellious war, now levied, is become more general, and manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire.

“We beg leave to assure your Majesty of our entire concurrence with your Majesty, in thinking that it is now become the part of wisdom, and, in its effects, of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the most decisive exertions; and that we learn, with the greatest satisfaction, that, for this purpose, your Majesty has increased your naval establishment, and greatly augmented your land forces, in such a manner as may be the least burdensome to your kingdoms; and we will cheerfully and effectually support your Majesty in such necessary measures, and enable your Majesty, when the occasion shall require it, to avail yourself of the friendly offers, which your Majesty has received, of foreign assistance. We thankfully acknowledge the gracious considerations which induced your Majesty to send a part of your Electoral troops to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, in order that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom might be applied to the maintenance of its authority; and we are bound in duty to return your Majesty our particular thanks for pointing out to us, from the throne, the constitutional resource of our well-modelled and well-regulated national Militia, which, upon every great emergency, cannot fail of affording security to your Majesty’s realm, and of giving, at the same time, extent and activity to your military operations.

“It is with the highest satisfaction and gratitude we hear the affectionate declaration of the father of his people, that when the unhappy and deluded multitude against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, your Majesty will be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. And your Majesty’s gracious communication, of your intention to give authority to certain persons on the spot, to grant general and particular pardons, as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which may be disposed to return to its allegiance, demands our warmest acknowledgment, and we shall be ready to give our concurrence to such measures as may best contribute to carry your Majesty’s wise and humane intentions into execution.

“Every motive and every interest that can animate the hearts of loyal subjects, call upon your faithful Commons to grant to your Majesty such supplies as the circumstances and exigency of affairs may require; and, being fully convinced that the security of every benefit and advantage derived to the commerce, the manufactures, and the navigation, of your Majesty’s kingdoms, from the American Colonies, must ever depend on their being held in that due subordination to the Legislature of Great Britain in which the Constitution has placed them, we should be wanting in the duty which we owe to our constituents, ourselves, and our posterity, if we did not engage, with our lives and our fortunes, to support this great and important cause, in which the rights of your Majesty’s Crown, and the interests of your people are so essentially concerned; and we hope and trust that we shall, by the blessing of God, put such strength and force into your Majesty’s hands, as may soon defeat and suppress this rebellion, and enable your Majesty to accomplish your gracious wish of re-establishing order, tranquillity, and happiness, through all the parts of your united empire.”

The said Address being read a second time:

Mr. Hartley pressed Lord North to declare that it should be understood that, agreeing to the report now brought up by Mr. Acland should not be deemed a full and decisive approbation of its contents, nor preclude the House in any manner from taking the measures recommended in it into consideration on any future day.

Mr. Fielde approved of this caution of the honourable gentleman, [Mr. Hartley,] and thought the advice extremely necessary.

Sir M. W. Ridley said he had gone along with the Minister during the last session, upon the supposition that his information regarding America was authentick, and to be depended upon; but now that he found it was otherwise, he went away last night without giving any vote—a conduct he wished to avoid; and therefore he called upon the Minister to lay sufficient information before the House, that gentlemen might know the ground upon which they were to proceed.

Lord North declined complying with these requests; but said, in general, that the Navy and Army would be taken into consideration in the course of the week; and he believed that either of the days appointed for that purpose would be the most proper time for stating objections, or framing any motion.

Mr. Powys moved to recommit the Address, in order to leave out what related to the Hanoverian troops,* viz: “We thankfully acknowledge the gracious considerations which induced your Majesty to send a part of your Electoral troops to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Mahon, in order that a large number,” &c. This changed the debate to the general subject of America.

Mr. Cornwall entered into American affairs. He acknowledged that there had been mismanagement somewhere; but whether by the Parliament, in not granting a sufficient force; by the Ministry, in not properly applying the forces granted; or by the officers who had the command of them, m not exercising them effectually, he would not then assert; but probably it might one day afford matter for inquiry in that House. However, he could not avoid saying thus much in favour of Administration, that a Minister in this country, though he may see much further into future events than the rest of his countrymen, cannot take any great step without having the cry of the people against him. Had Government demanded forty thousand men last session to send to America, Parliament, perhaps, would not have granted them; but now that the nation seemed to approve of sending a sufficient force, he did not doubt of success. He then proceeded to make some remarks on the conduct of the late Lord Holland, when Secretary of State, at the beginning of the last war, in allusion to what had been said by Mr. Fox the night before; and concluded by attacking the Duke of Grafton for his desertion.

Mr. Charles Fox vindicated his father, and defended the noble Duke; but as he quoted the speech the noble Duke

*On this subject of the Hanoverian troops, the arguments were chiefly directed against that paragraph in the Address which thanks his Majesty for his gracious consideration in sending part of his Electoral troops to garrison the fortresses of Gibraltar and Minorca. Those who condemned the paragraph argued against its illegality, its being expressly repugnant to the Bill of Rights; and, above all, its being a precedent of a most alarming and dangerous tendency, as it recognized a power in the King to introduce foreigners into his British dominions, and to raise armies without the previous consent of Parliament. It was defended on a variety of grounds: First, on the idea that the paragraph expressed nor implied no approbation of the measure; that the Bill of Rights passed at the Revolution was a declaratory law; and that law, to use Mr. Attorney-General’s own words, embraced no part of the British dominions beyond the limits of this island; that the necessity of the measure justified it, because of the delay it might occasion, and the consequent embarrassment it might bring on in the future progress of this business; that it was nothing new, for six thousand Dutch had come over in the year 1745 to our assistance, without any such previous consent. The gentlemen in Opposition considered the paragraph as a full approbation of the measure; whilst the friends of Administration insisted that it was no more than a compliment to his Majesty’s good intentions, and left the measure itself a matter of future deliberation. Mr. Wedderburn and Mr. Dunning had a long conversation upon the different interpretations of the clause. Very few of the speakers confined themselves to this single point, but successively beat over the wide ground of the general dispute with America. The Minister, however, quitting his ground, left his supporters by themselves, and fairly owned he was the adviser of the paragraph, and that he was firmly persuaded of its legality, wisdom, and expediency. This explanation was occasioned by his being pressed, in case the Opposition agreed to the Report, that his Lordship would agree to review the proposition, and give it a full and fair discussion on some future day, to be appointed for that purpose.—Par. Hist.