true, France is the foreign power that has offered us assistance. What, sir, is likely to be the state of your army then? Thirty thousand British troops, perhaps one-half that number French, some thousands of your Canadian subjects and Irish Roman Catholick marines. Then, sir, when America is conquered, and the flower of your army cut off, your new allies will be prepared to dispute the conquest with you. Is there a man, sir, in this House, that doubts but every Roman Catholick of either army, or in that country, of any name, description, or situation, will not be ready again to assert the right of France to the Colonies of America, in opposition to the Protestant army; or that they will not be supported by the Northern Indians, who are bigots to the Roman Catholick religion, and immediately under the influence of the Popish Priests and Jesuits, which abound in that country? Still, sir, I am at a loss to tell whether I should prefer an alliance with France or Russia. It is time we should look to the enterprising genius rising in that empire; to a people eager in the pursuit of fresh possessions, in climes less inhospitable than those they now inhabit, already become (thanks to Great Britain for it) the first maritime Power in the North, the third great maritime Power in the world, extending her manufactures and commerce.

I fear the balance of trade is already against us; but it must inevitably be so soon; and then you will send your specie to Russia, to purchase the vast quantity of hemp, turpentine, tar, and other naval stores, necessary to supply the present great naval establishments. Sir, should Russia insist upon sending these naval stores to your arsenals in America in her own bottoms, dare you refuse it? What may be matter of necessity now, was ignorance, or something worse, ten years ago. Sir, it was for these reasons I requested the honourable member who moved the Address, would adopt the motion “previously to inquire into the real state of Great Britain and her American Colonies;” that, upon mature consideration, we might present a dutiful and loyal Address to his Majesty, full as respectful to the King as the present, but perhaps less conclusive upon Parliament. Sir, those who thought they pledged themselves to nothing, did well to give it their assent. I, conscious I know but little, and believing that I pledged myself to everything, hope I did as well to vote against it; for I considered it to imply a thorough knowledge of both countries; whereas it appears, by the language of Administration, that they are totally ignorant of the real state of either. One noble Lord tells us, we cannot raise an army of Britons sufficient to subdue the present rebellion in America; but must call in the aid of foreign troops, which we must purchase with our wealth, in like manner with any other commodity. Some gentlemen of great abilities and equal authority, hold the direct contrary doctrines, calling up to our recollection the numerous army of British troops supplied in the late war. From some of these benches we learn, that great part of America is still in our possession; from others, that we have not a foot of it. One minute it is asserted, the Americans are still ready to submit; the next, that they unite the men with their measures, and execrate both. Some say they contend only for taxation; others for independence; with a variety of different accounts, as to the numbers, situation, and opposition of the Provincial army. And the most material question of the whole still remains undecided, whether this country, (England I mean,) is, or is not, desirous of pursuing coercive measures against the Americans? Sir, his Majesty can certainly do no wrong; but are his Ministers therefore above reprehension? And if the King has been deceived by their misrepresentations, is it not more dutiful and loyal humbly to point them out, than to let the people ascribe a share of blame to him, while they take shelter under the sacred name of Majesty? The King wishes for peace and reconciliation with America, and I believe the noble Lord opposite, and a part of his associates, do so too, as well as the generality of the people of England; and that these blood-thirsty rneasures can only be pleasing to such slaves to a part of Government, who, the very last year, told us they shuddered at the plan of operations, and would not support them, because they thought them cruel; yet now they can adopt them, because they are ten times more so; and to a set of unprincipled, arbitrary, and avaricious men, who I wish to God were transferred to a Government like New-Zealand (where they devour their fellow-creatures) from that of a civilized nation.

Mr. Fox observed, it had been well said that the addresses would cause ill blood here; but he would add something more: they would cause much ill blood in America. The address from the Devonshire Militia he reprobated as one of the most unconstitutional acts that ever had fallen within his knowledge. After which he declared he did not think so meanly of the understandings of the present Ministry, as to suppose they would leave this country without an army of some kind. He approved of a Militia as a succedaneum to an army, but by the present bill they were evidently to serve as a part of the army itself. He then entered into a definition of the original meaning and intention of the English Militia, and laid it down as a doctrine, that formerly a Militia-man was merely armed and disciplined, that he might, when danger was at his door and pressed upon him, defend himself. He said he should certainly be against the introduction of foreign troops, and he was also against a standing army; that the purpose of the present bill was to create a standing army, and to increase the power of the Crown; that he saw no difference between a standing army of Regulars, and a standing army of Militia, whom the King could call out when he pleased; for that in this country, and every other extensive dominion, there would always, in some part or other, be a riot, which the Minister might call a rebellion. There might be a disturbance among the Negroes in Jamaica, in Bengal, or any other distant place, which might serve as a pretext for imbodying the Militia. That many gentlemen would frequently be embarrassed who served in it, by being put upon disagreeable duty; and that at present, if he was a Militia officer, he would resign. He concluded with declaring that Administration were taking advantage of the present situation of affairs, to put the people under martial law, and to add that law to the prerogative; that all the late American acts tended to increase the power of the Crown, and to demolish the rights of the people; and that as the present bill evidently would do so, he should oppose it.

Lord North observed, that although there were so many different opinions held, and so many different objections thrown out in the present debate, it was impossible for him to reply to all of them; yet he thought it incumbent on him to speak to two matters which had been urged by the gentlemen in opposition: one was, the charge made against him respecting the Oxford address; and the other, the idea which had been alleged to prevail with Administration of introducing foreign troops into this kingdom. With regard to the latter, he declared there was no such idea entertained, and he appealed to the bill before the House as a confirmation of what he said; for it was obvious, if Ministry had such an intention they never would have introduced the bill, but moved for the introduction of foreign troops, on the plea of the insufficiency of the present Militia Act. He declared he was himself averse to the employment of foreign troops; but where a great constitutional point was to be carried, and which could not be carried without them, he saw no objection to their being made use of. He thought they might be applied to as a resource, though it would be impolitick to use them in the first instance; that, as we had more money than men, it was a natural and justifiable resource in cases of necessity; but that at present Administration meant to leave the defence of this country to the gentlemen of it, which was surely the measure most likely to prove agreeable to every Englishman; and that so far was he from wishing to embarrass any gentleman in the Militia, that he had no objection to the insertion of a clause, giving them power to resign if they disliked the service. His Lordship treated what had fallen from Mr. Fox, respecting the dangerous use that might be made, at any future period, of the power granted by this act, as a chimera, never likely to be realized; observing upon the hazard a Minister would run in making a riot in the Indies, or a disturbance in any distant quarter of the King’s dominions, a pretext for calling out the Militia of England; and adding, that if any Minister should be so hardy, he sincerely hoped he would be impeached at the bar of the House of Lords. With regard to the Oxford address, his Lordship declared, that it came to him as a part of the University, as one of the firm of it; in fact, it was sent as a Compliment to their Chancellor. That he did not alter the language; that he, both then and now, thought it contained such sentiments as were proper to come from the University; that it did not encourage the