went at last so far as to commit their whole Parliamentary power into the hands of a cabinet junto of Ministers, having, however, first obtained the Pope’s leave for so doing. I wish gentlemen who contend for supreme sovereignty in the Crown and Parliament, denying any rights of the people in pre-eminence to their joint authority, would apply such argument to the state of King, Lords, and Commons, at that era. I shall next proceed to the General Convention or Congress, which in 1461 enthroned the Earl of March in Westminster-Hall, by the name of Edward IV, the primate of all England collecting the suffrages of the people; and at that period even the Lancastrian historians date the commencement of his reign.

But to come to modem occurrencies. In 1659 a Convention or Congress restored legal Monarchy in the person of King Charles II, who was then no farther distant from this Island than the town of Breda, and being pressed by many of the Royal partisans to issue his writs for a lawful Parliament, he made answer, that he would rather be indebted for his restoration to the uninfluenced sense of the people of England, taken in a free assembly.

On the 26th of December, 1688, was held a Convention or Congress at St. James’s, where the Prince of Orange presided; and there were present most of the surviving members who had served in any one of the Parliaments of King Charles II, the Lord Mayor of London, the Aldermen, and about fifty of the Common Council, &c.; and on the 22d of January following, by virtue of notices issued on the aforesaid 26th of December at St. James’s, the memorable Convention-Parliament assembled in this House, and perfected the glorious work of the Revolution.

I mean, sir, from these examples and arguments, to deduce for an incontrovertible truth, that all the subjects of the British empire have a right to be governed according to the spirit of our ancient Constitution, by which no freeman could be taxed without his consent, either in person or by his substitute; and notwithstanding the infringement of this right under some of our Norman Kings and their successors, yet we find William the Conqueror himself confirming it, in his code of laws, the year before his decease; and the same explicit declaration in its favour from our English Justinian, King Edward I, in the Charter of the 25th and Statutes of the 34th of his reign, admitted to be among the earliest authentick records of Parliament extant, according to the present mode of summons.

I have, I think, shown that our Kings in former days have not scrupled to treat with a Congress; that many of the best of them owe their Crowns to such national meetings; and that this nation has, on the one hand, been saved from despotism, and on the other, from anarchy, by a Convention or Congress; which surely possesses some advantages over a Parliament; for being free from Ministerial management— having neither placemen, pensioners, nor dependant retainers on their list—they are more likely to hear the sincere dictates of conscience, and the unpolluted sense of those they represent. But, sir, however inadmissible the voice of a Congress might be deemed as acts of legislation, yet I conceive that their plea in the character of advocates for the constituent body by whom they are commissioned, ought, in justice as well as sotted policy, to be listened to. A punctilious delicacy now in fashion, which we style the dignity of the Crown and Parliament, will, if madly persisted in, cost at least half the blood and substance of Great Britain. The most haughty and powerful monarch of his time, Lewis XIV, when there was a formidable commotion in the Cevennes, condescended to depute two Marshals of France to enter into a treaty with the malcontents; peace was accordingly made, and the terms of it were afterwards faithfully fulfilled.

Look, sir, into the history of the proudest as well as most renowned people that ever existed, the Romans; observe the conclusion of their social war, and you will see they were not above negotiating a peace with those very insurgents whom they had before, individually by name, proscribed as rebels. Rome found herself at that day reduced to the same critical predicament which, I apprehend, we now stand in; there was no other possible means of restoring concord, or saving the Commonwealth from ruin. But, sir, above all, I would wish the House to give, on this occasion, due weight to a conclusive remark of the excellent author of the Commentaries on the laws of England, where he is descanting on the Revolution of 1688, which placed the sceptre in the hands of King William, and eventually brought in the illustrious House of Hanover to be guardians of the Protestant religion, and asserters of the ancient constitutional rights of all the subjects throughout the British Monarchy: “No practical systems of law (says he) are so perfect as to point out beforehand those eccentrick remedies which national emergency will dictate and will justify.”

I now, sir, beg leave to offer to the House the following motion:

“That a Committee be appointed to draw up an Address to his Majesty, humbly requesting that he will authorize the Commissioners nominated to act in America, (for the gracious purposes expressed in his Majesty’s speech from the throne,) to receive proposals for reconciliation from any General Convention, Congress, or other collective body, that shall be found most perfectly to convey the sentiments of one or more of the several Continental Colonies, suspending all inquiry into the legal or illegal forms under which such Colony or Colonies may be disposed to treat; as the most effectual means to prevent the effusion of blood, and to reconcile the honour and permanent interest of Great Britain with the requisitions of his Majesty’s American subjects.”

Colonel Charles Wolseley seconded the motion. He said, he had served same years on the coast of America, and had at this time the best intelligence possible from that part of the world, and was sure a peace could never be effected but through the means of a General Congress.

Mr. Rice said, that not having been in the House while, the honourable gentleman spoke in support of his motion, he should not reply to his speech; but only observe, that no man in the House could be more desirous of peace with America than himself; but he would not treat with the Congress, because it would be admitting that to be a legal assembly, which must, of course, determine the question at once in favour of America. If that meeting was legal, all our conduct was injustice.

Mr. J. Johnstone was for the motion, as the only means of treating with America.

Sir George, Yonge was also forthe motion.

Sir George Suttie called upon Ministers to inform the House whether they had any plan, and what they intended to do.

No answer was given, and the motion passed in the negative.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, November 8, 1775.

The Order of the Day being read, for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole House, to consider further of the Supply granted to his Majesty,

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of the Guards, Garrisons, and other of his Majesty’s Land Forces in Great Britain, from the 25th of December, 1775, to the 24th of December, 1776, both days inclusive, being three hundred and sixty-six days, be referred to the said Committee.

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of the General, and General Staff Officers, in Great Britain, for the year 1776, be referred to the said Committee.

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of his Majesty’s Forces in the Plantations and in Africa, including those in garrison at Gibraltar and Minorca, from the 25th of December, 1775, to the 24th of December, 1776, both days inclusive, being three hundred and sixty-six days, be referred to the said Committee.

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of the difference of Pay between the British and Irish Establishment one of Regiment of Light Dragoons and six Regiments of Foot, serving in North-America, from the 25th of December, 1775, to the 24th of December, 1776, both days inclusive, being three hundred and sixty-six days, be referred to the said Committee.

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of Levy Money, for the augmentation to his Majesty’s British and Irish Forces, for the year 1776, be referred to said Committee.

Ordered, That the estimate of the charge of five Hanoverian Battalions of Foot at Gibraltar and Minorca, from the 1st of September, 1775, to 24th of December following,