in a foreign war with our natural and inveterate enemies. By the accounts transmitted down to us, this was not the conduct pursued by the immortal Marlborough. He always came over in the winter, and instead of wishing to conceal from his enemies, he generally stated minutely the measures pursued during the preceding campaign; the operations, and their actual or probable effects. His Grace did not even rest contented here, for he never failed to sketch the great outline of the succeeding campaign, and the number of troops it would be necessary to bring into the field. He was generally as good as his word—whatever he promised he punctually performed; and never, in the course of ten successive campaigns, did he once come to Parliament to tell he had been deceived, or that he had suffered in the least by his communications to Parliament.

The Duke of Richmond. The noble and learned Lord who spoke late in the debate, has entirely forgot the circumstances relative to the passing of the Boston Port Bill, and the opposition it met with from this side of the House. I must put his Lordship in mind, that it was very strenuously opposed, and that upon the very ground urged this day in debate. 1 remember very well, too, that the noble and learned Lord foretold that it would meet with no opposition from the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay, and pressed unanimity as the best means of ensuring it success. It was on the faith of those assurances that the bill was not opposed on the third reading. It was treated no more than as a matter of mere form; the bill was to be passed, the tea was to be paid for, and tranquillity was to be the consequence. How miserably those persons who reasoned in this manner were deceived, or how miserably they endeavoured to mislead others, (and I am sorry to say in some measure succeeded,) will, I trust, be not shortly forgotten. Before I sit down, I shall just mention a very particular circumstance, which happened at the time of passing that celebrated bill. None of the noble Lords who disapproved of the bill having thought it necessary to attend at the third reading, to give it the greater eclat, it was entered in the Journals, nem. con.; whereas it is totally unusual and unparliamentary to do so, when an opposition has been made to the bill in any stage.

The Duke of Grafton. My Lords, it has been said this day that Great Britain is not able to coerce America. I should be sorry such a notion should prevail; nor do I think it well founded, if it barely depended on a trial of strength between the parties. If, on the other hand, we reflect but for an instant, that we cannot exert our whole force against America, nor with prudence or safety one half of it, that weighty consideration should be always present in our minds. It is no longer a secret that France will not permit us. In that event, only think, my Lords, what a perilous situation we shall be in. After having wasted a considerable part of our blood and treasure in this unnatural contest; after we have stretched our ordinary means of carrying on this war as far as they can go, nay, probably anticipated them considerably; our commerce on the decline, if not ruined; our manufacturers starving, or inlisting for soldiers; France, or perhaps the whole united strength of the House of Bourbon, declares against us. Where, in such a situation, are we to look for new resources? I solemnly affirm, and with grief assure your Lordships, I do not know. I am tolerably well acquainted with the finances of this country; and I am sure I cannot think of a single tax, even in a time of perfect tranquillity, that could be devised, which would increase the gross receipt at his Majesty’s Exchequer. What, then, must be the consequence of a war at such a period, when I can venture to foretell that one-third, if not more, of the ordinary national resources will be stopped?

Viscount Townshend passed several high compliments on the Duke of Grafton, relative to his knowledge of his Grace’s abilities and candour when connected with Administration as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He lamented greatly the freedom which had been taken in the course of the debate. He observed, that the noble Duke had said we were not in a situation to go to war without endangering this country from becoming a province to France. Another noble Duke had asserted in debate, that what kept the troops in Boston was the imminent risk of quitting it without being cut to pieces. This, he observed, might suggest to the Rebels the very attempt. It was said, that troops were to be sent to the Southward; this might defeat the measure, for he was certain there was not a syllable said in the House that night that would not be expeditiously conveyed to America, by the first possible opportunity.

The Duke of Grafton added one more reason for wishing for conciliatory measures. In the event I have first stated, Great Britain must be ruined by prosecuting this unnatural war. In the other, that is, supposing she prevails, and brings America to her feet, I shall fear that, if possible, still more; for I am perfectly convinced, that the liberties of America once gone, those of Great Britain will not long survive them.

The question was then put, and it was resolved in the negative.

The Duke of Grafton then moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to desire that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to direct the proper officers to lay before this House an account of the Officers and Men, effective and fit for duty, in the Army in and about Boston, according to the latest Return, together with the date of that Return.”

Which, being objected to, the question was put thereupon:

It was resolved in the negative.

Then it was moved, “That an humble Address be. presented to his Majesty, to desire that he would be graciously pleased to communicate to this House any plan or plans which may have been adopted for assigning winter-quarters for the Troops now in America; and such an account as may best be depended upon of the force which the Colonies will be able to bring into the field against his Majesty’s forces in those parts, in order that we may be better grounded in the humble advice which it is our duty to offer to his Majesty on the present alarming crisis.”

Which being objected to, the former part of the motion was withdrawn. The question was then put, and it was resolved in the negative.

On motion of the Duke of Grafton, it was

Ordered, That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to desire “That he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House copies of the last Returns of the state of the several Regiments in Great Britain and Ireland.”

Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.

The Duke of Grafton then moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to desire that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House an account of all Artillery, Ordnance, Arms, Military Stores of all kinds, issued for the land service of America, since August, 1773, to October, 1775, both inclusive, distinguishing each kind, and the value thereof.”

Which being objected to, the question was put thereupon: It was resolved in the negative.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, November 16, 1775.

Mr. Burke presented a Petition from the Gentlemen, Clergy, Clothiers, Manufacturers, and others, inhabitants of the several Towns of Westbury, Warminster, and Trow-bridge, and the neighbourhood thereof, in the County of Wilts, whose names are thereunder written, setting forth, “That the Petitioners are greatly alarmed and surprised at finding certain persons, styling themselves the Gentlemen, Clergy, Clothiers, and other tradesmen, of the Towns and neighbourhood of Bradford, Trowbridge, and Melksham, in the County of Wilts, approach the throne of our most gracious Sovereign, and, under the pretence of testifying their loyalty and affection to his Majesty, boldly assert, in regard to the American prohibition of all commerce with his Majesty’s European dominions, that they (the Petitioners) find no melancholy effects arising therefrom, or any unusual failure of demand for their manufactures, or of employment for their poor. And, at this important and alarming crisis, when so much depends on the deliberations and resolutions of Parliament, not less than the lives, liberties, and properties of thousands of their fellow-subjects, the Petitioners, apprehending that the like misrepresentations may be conveyed to the House, should hold themselves unjust to their own dearest interests, and that of their posterity, if they did not publickly express their entire disapprobation of that malignant and uncandid spirit, which can carry falsehood