The House having heard this most dutiful and affectionate Petition to the King from their fellow-subjects in America, humbly supplicating his Majesty to become the mediator of peace between them and their parent State, I hope that this, added to all the remembrance of our former friendships, to all the ties of consanguinity, and derivation from one common stock, by which we claim a joint inheritance and equal right to peace, liberty and safety, will carry some favourable influence upon the heart of this House; and, above all, I trust that a compassionate fellow-feeling for the distresses of our American brethren, surrounded by all the horrours of war and desolation, added to the gloomy consideration that these evils may not be far from our own gates, will dispose this House to seek, with a willing mind, the restoration of peace as the only means to prevent the further effusion of blood, and to avert those endless calamities and those ruinous convulsions which threaten every part of these dominions. In these circumstances, it should seem well becoming the magnanimity and moderation of Parliament to endeavour to point out some definite mode and terms of reconciliation, in compliance with the prayer of that Petition, pursuing the same spirit of peace which breathes through every line of it, and as a merited return for that confidential and respectful deference by which they refer implicitly to his Majesty’s wisdom and justice the mode and terms of accommodation; declaring in the most unreserved manner, that notwithstanding all their sufferings, they retain too tender a regard for the kingdom from which they derive their origin, to request such a reconciliation as might in any manner be inconsistent with her dignity or welfare; and that his Majesty will find his faithful subjects in America ready at all times, as they have ever been, with their lives and fortunes, to assert and maintain the rights and interests of his Majesty and of their mother country. These are the united words of North-America; and surely, sir, they contain every compliance and concession which can be demanded of them from this country.

It is upon these grounds that the proposals which will be referred to your consideration to-day, are constructed. As I made a proposal last year for an accommodation of our unhappy disputes with America, upon the grounds on which they were then declared to stand by the noble Lord at the head of the Treasury, namely, that of raising a substantial revenue, I could wish to add a supplemental word, and to endeavour to meet the difficulties in which we are now declared to be involved, upon the new ground which the noble Lord has this year taken, by his declaration, that revenue is not the present object, and that we would now make peace with America, without any other consideration than a just and honourable reparation to our authority, for those affronts which it has sustained in the course of that resistance, to which the Colonies have been so imprudently driven. The noble Lord’s words, at the beginning of the session, were to this effect: “Would to God that all things were in the same state in which they were in 1763.” I will endeavour to join issue with him upon those terms; for, though I think that the Ministry of this country have been at all times the aggressors, yet, for the restoration of peace between the two nations, I think it not unreasonable to expect from America some concession to the national honour of this country. It must be acknowledged, in justice to the Americans, that they have offered beforehand, and of their own motion, to make any reasonable sacrifice to the national dignity. I shall take them at their word, and I think myself entitled, under their own declaration, to offer what I hope will appear to be no more than terms reasonable in themselves. This offer from them to make any reasonable concession to the national honour, is a full proof of their sincere desire for peace. The justice of this nation, on the other hand, I am sure, will not require of them any such concessions, for the sake of a treacherous peace, as may hereafter be inconsistent with their national liberty or safety.

I should naturally proceed to state the proposition of accommodation, but I must trespass upon the House for a few preliminary words on the subject of revenue; for, notwithstanding the noble Lord’s declaration in the beginning of the session, I find that a hankering after a revenue still lurks in our heart. You may have that revenue, if you will receive it in a constitutional way; otherwise than that, you never will, nor ever ought to have it. Even if you could make out your right to tax America, yet justice, which is above all rights, requires that you should abandon that supposed right. It is the prerogative of the Commons of England to give and grant by their own representatives. The Commons of Ireland possess the same prerogative. The Commons of America have ever enjoyed the same. Had everything been the direct contrary, that even the right of taxing unrepresented America had been undisputed, and the exercise customary and notorious; I contend, that when the oppression and grievances of unrepresented taxation had been laid before Parliament, it would have been their bounden duty to have rectified their Constitutions to our own model. If we boast that taxation by representation is the prerogative blessing of our own Constitution, reason and justice demand that we should have given the same to every part of the empire, and that we should measure out to others as we have measured out for ourselves; for reason and justice are above all human rights. That Government which maintains its own self-interested claims upon its own subjects, contrary to the laws of reason and justice, is no better than specious tyranny. America asks no more than the continuance of those privileges which they have always enjoyed. They offer to this country their lives and fortunes, when the requisition is laid before them in the constitutional way. The same offers are very particularly expressed by the several Colonies of New-York, New-Jersey, Philadelphia, and Virginia, in the course of their publick declarations during the last summer; therefore, the readiness of all America to contribute their proper proportions in a constitutional way, is beyond dispute. It is the greatest injustice and traduction of the Colonies to accuse them of backwardness to contribute, or not to give them the merit of their incessant offers for the future, whenever called upon in a constitutional way.

However, I shall not enlarge upon the doctrine of requisition, in contrast with compulsory taxation, but I shall leave that upon the footing on which I endeavoured to state it on the draft of a letter of requisition, in our debates of the last year; only remarking, that the introduction of requisitions in the time of peace is novel, and therefore must be expected to be attended with many consequential alterations in the constitutional connection of the Colonies with this country; I mean, upon the restrictions of their trade, which have hitherto been always accepted as an equivalent to pecuniary contributions. If we should put the Colonies upon a new footing of money contribution, in the time of peace, there can be no doubt, but that this country will think them entitled to relaxations in trade, in proportion as they contribute. I have no doubt but that in future times we shall come to be convinced of the narrowness of that policy which thinks to cherish trade by restrictions. We shall see many of these poor expedients in the same light as we now view the little policy of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, about corporations, apprentices, poor laws, &c. Therefore, though I might not have been the first proposer of this new system of contribution to peace—requisitions, yet I think it promises to open a more liberal system than what we are attached to now. The intercourse of one common cause, in the common defence of the whole empire, may form a new and salutary connection between Great Britain and her Colonies, instead of that connection by grievous restraints, which will become more galling, and appear more absurd every day. We shall have at least the choice of two modes of receiving their assistance, which we may exercise according to the discretion of the case—sometimes through the channel of trade, sometimes through supply; the option may easily be adjusted, without either strangulating the hand of industry, or closing the hand of contribution. Ireland, besides providing for its own internal establishment, provides annually for the common defence a considerable number of men in the land service. America may contribute to our naval supply, being that part of the common concern which forms the common bond of connection between us. Seamen, ships, or naval stores, may be the contribution of America.

Having said thus much upon the subject of requisition, in addition to what I offered last year, I will now come to the main object of the motion, which I shall have the honour of offering to the House this day, of drawing out some line of accommodation, by which satisfaction can be made to the honour of this country, and the Colonies restored to their condition in 1763, according to the noble Lord’s own proposal.