of the forces deemed necessary to be maintained at all times within this kingdom for its defence, in a season when powerful reasons existed for retaining them, without putting Great Britain to the expense of replacing them, though generously offered; and they have cheerfully granted to his Majesty a very considerable supply, in addition to all former duties, though the liberality of the last session served only to expose the weakness of their resources. This disposition in the Commons, they doubt not, your Excellency will improve to their advantage; and they trust that, through your Excellency’s favourable representation, it will serve to unite Great Britain and Ireland in still closer bonds of mutual affection, so necessary to the security and prosperity of both. They acknowledge, with gratitude, your Excellency’s generous efforts to open to them new sources of commerce, and to remove some restraints upon the old; they see with joy a beam of light break through that dark cloud which has so long overshadowed this nation; and they are animated with the hope that the honour is reserved for your Excellency’s Administration of establishing this important truth, that nothing will contribute more to augment the strength and wealth of Great Britain than the increase of both in this kingdom.”

Having read these Papers, he said the Message contained two propositions, by both which the Parliament of Great Britain were pledged to the Parliament of Ireland, if it should accept the conditions held forth by this Message, to pay for the troops to be sent to America, and to replace them with four thousand foreign Protestants. And further to induce the Irish nation to accept of this insidious bargain, she was to have twelve thousand men within the kingdom, and at the same time to be relieved of a burden of eighty thousand pounds per annum. Such a proposition could only have originated in the worst designs, or must have been the effect of the most consummate folly. For what was the whole measure taken together? The Minister on this or the other side of the water, no matter which, makes the King engage his royal word that the expense shall be borne by the Parliament of Great Britain; but, adding folly to temerity, makes him promise that Great Britain shall pay for eight thousand men, though, if the bargain was accepted, she would actually have but four thousand men in her service. After thus stating, in his opinion, the meaning of the words, he proceeded to show that they were received in this sense by the Irish Parliament, though neither of the offers were received in the terms proposed, and quoted the Speaker’s speech, delivered at the bar of the House of Lords on the 25th December, 1775, in which he offers, in the name of the Commons, to send the four thousand natives out of the kingdom without putting Great Britain to the expense of replacing them, though generously offered. He then stated the complaint in the following words:

“That the Earl Harcourt, Lord-Lieutenant General and General Governour of Ireland, did, on the 23d day of November last, in breach of the privilege, and in derogation of the honour and authority of this House, send a written Message to the House of Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, signed with his own hand, to the following effect:

“‘That he had his Majesty’s command to acquaint that House, that the situation of affairs in part of his Majesty’s American dominions was such as to make it necessary for the honour and safety of the British empire, and for the support of his Majesty’s just rights, to desire the concurrence of his faithful Parliament of Ireland in sending out of that kingdom a force not exceeding four thousand men, part of the number of troops upon that establishment appointed to remain in that kingdom for its defence; and to declare to them his Majesty’s most gracious intention that such part of his army as shall be spared out of that kingdom, to answer the present exigency of affairs, is not to be continued a charge upon that establishment so long as they shall remain out of that kingdom.

“‘And that he was further commanded to inform that House that, as his Majesty has nothing more at heart than the security and protection of his people of Ireland, it is his intention, if it shall be the desire of that Parliament, to replace such forces as may be sent out of that kingdom by an equal number of foreign Protestant troops, as soon as his Majesty shall be enabled so to do; the charge of such troops to be defrayed without any expense to that kingdom.’”

Mr. Townshend then moved, That a Committee be appointed to inquire into the matter of the said complaint, and to report the same, as it shall appear to them, to the House.

Sir George Yonge seconded the motion.

Lord Clare said the right honourable gentleman who made the motion had been lavish of his encomiums on Ireland, but did not offer a syllable in behalf of poor Britain. Ireland, retained a proper sense of freedom; she would not admit foreigners, even with the consent of Parliament; her principles were sound; her manners pure; her Councils uncon-taminated; while poor, degenerate Britain, was fallen from her former greatness, and was sunk into the lowest extreme of corruption, folly, and want of spirit. Yet while he was proud to hear his country so highly extolled, he could not help lamenting that fallen Britain had not one friend to stand forth in her defence. His Lordship, having continued his vein of irony and humour for a while, commented upon the two propositions. The offer of sending foreigners, and of defraying the expense, signified nothing; no such offer or promise was intended; it was all the idle reveries of a gentleman whom, for the familiarity of expression, he would call by the name of Mr. Edmund Sexton Perry. He knew Mr. Perry very well, and he knew him to be a good sort of a considerate, honest, sensible man: but however sensible Mr. Perry might be, the House was not bound by his interpretations. The honourable mover said that Mr. Perry went to the bar of the House of Lords, and delivered a certain speech, and that the Lord-Lieutenant acquiesced in that interpretation of the message, because he did not contradict it. Would he have Lord Harcourt rise and come to Mr. Perry to the bar, and contradict him by telling him he never meant any such thing? I dare say he would hardly be so unreasonable. I have, indeed, heard it asserted by some of my countrymen, that they spoke better English than the people of this country. It may be so, but it is the first time I ever heard it asserted that they understand it better. I presume that Mr. Perry thought he understood the message; but I will not allow that either Lord Harcourt or this House are bound to abide by his interpretation; neither can I be persuaded that the House of Commons of Ireland are any more bound than we are by his conceptions. For, what does the whole amount to? Mr. Perry, in his individual capacity, says so and so. What is that to the House of Commons? He is Speaker, it is true, but what he does out of the House, when he is not instructed, is no more the act of that House than if it had been done by any other person.

Mr. Conolly said that he was an Irishman as well as the noble Lord, and as Ireland was to be the subject of that day, in the cocking phrase, he was ready to pit himself against him. He was not surprised that the noble Lord was in such extreme good humour with Ministers on both sides of the water, as his Lordship and three others who enjoyed sinecure employments had a present made them in one day of fourteen thousand pounds, (meaning the arrangement of the Vice-Treasurers, and the Clerk of the Pells;) and lest a possibility should arise of any defalcation of their salaries, Parliament was so good-humoured, while they increased the salary, to take upon themselves to provide payment out of the publick purse for deputies, who were to do the duty. It was, therefore, no wonder that his Lordship and his colleagues should be merry, while Ireland continued to be sad, to see the salaries of sinecure places raised, while she was mortgaging her funds, laying on new duties, and providing for deficiencies of grants. He gave a picture of Ireland: an exhausted treasury, ruined trade, starving manufacturers, accumulating pensions, new created places, State oppressions, daily executions, a ruined, mouldering army, increasing debts, castle jobs, bands of lawless ruffians in defiance of law, and beyond the power of punishment; in short, every publick evil and private mischief that ever was on earth to curse and debase mankind. He did not rise to the question simply stated, Whether the message was really a breach of the privileges of the Commons of England, but principally to give an account of what passed in the Irish House of Commons when Sir John Blaquiere brought the message from the Lord-Lieutenant. That House refused the offer upon two principles: first, because they thought the introduction of foreign troops an unconstitutional and dangerous measure; and secondly, because it was thought that the Ministry had no mind that they should have them,