argument to charge Administration here with specifick measures taken in Ireland; nor could he conceive, either positively or by implication, that he or his colleagues in office were bound in any manner by what passed in another kingdom. To some allusions made by Mr. Dunning and Mr. Gordon relative to the Hanoverians being sent to Gibraltar and Minorca, and the fate of the Indemnity Bill, he replied, he thought the measure perfectly legal, and was ready to meet his adversaries on that ground whenever they thought fit. He gave a history of the Indemnity Bill, and, in a humorous way, proved that it was thrown out by a noble Marquis [of Rockingham] in the other House.

Lord John Cavendish rose to give his attestation of the personal worth of Lord Harcourt. He observed that his Lordship had been little acquainted with publick business till his late appointment; therefore, if it was his own measure, he was much the more excusable; but he believed it was not. However, if it was not, as the Irish nation had been too wise and too spirited to accept of one part of the proposal, and as Ministers, whatever they might affect to the contrary, had not dared to send a single man out of Ireland on such an authority, the matter hardly deserved the time and attention some gentlemen seemed willing to bestow on it. The people of Ireland had already done half the business, by refusing the offer; the Ministry had, in fact, done the other half from their own fear; so that, on the whole, he did not desire to send the matter to a Committee, but wished to come to some decisive resolution which would condemn the whole transaction, without any particular reference or application to those who might be supposed to have first planned, or endeavoured to carry it into execution.

Lord George Germaine contended that whatever might have been the sense of the message, his Majesty’s servants could not be supposed to be strictly answerable for its contents. He said that Lord Harcourt might have mistaken, or exceeded his instructions. But whether he did or did not, the first part of the message only proposed a matter to the consideration of the Irish Parliament, clearly and legally within the constitutional exercise of the regal power. If his Majesty had not given his royal promise to keep twelve thousand men within the kingdom, he might have ordered the whole of the troops on that establishment to any part of the British dominions he pleased, without applying to the Parliament of either kingdom. He had heard a great deal of what passed in debate in the House of Commons of Ireland, but he could not perceive what direct relation it bore to what was now under consideration. The efficient Minister, as he was called, was likewise much spoken of. Sir John Blaquiere said this, and Sir John Blaquiere said that; but, for his part, what Sir John Blaquiere said one way or the other was of no great consequence. He knew a Sir John Blaquiere, and had been in conversation with him, but in what way what he said could be made a ground of censure on a British Ministry was more than he could reconcile to the relation they really stood in to each other, if they stood in any. He confessed the measure of paying for eight thousand men when we were to have the service of but four thousand was extremely uneconomical and improper; yet if four thousand men could be had upon no better terms, and it was supposed it might be more proper to send natives than foreigners to America, the measure on that account, and that alone, might be defended.

Lord Irnham. As I am just returned from Ireland, where I have attended closely to the proceedings of that Parliament, it may be expected from me to say something on the present question. I shall therefore endeavour to show the House whether the honourable gentleman, [Mr. Conolly,] a member of that Parliament as well as of this, has given you a true account of the conduct of Government there relative to the matter now before you; or whether the representation of it by the gentlemen who oppose the motion ought most to be relied on. The doubt to be cleared up is, What was really the meaning of Government there in the message sent to both Houses? The words of the message have been already read to you, and it has been very ingeniously, though somewhat variously explained by the gentlemen of the Treasury Bench; but the Lord-Lieutenant’s Secretary (who is always considered as the Minister in the Irish House of Commons) clearly expressed and interpreted the meaning of it; which was, that the Irish Parliament should consent to the introducing into that country four thousand foreign Protestants, (Hessians and Brunswickers.) to be paid by Great Britain; in consideration of which, they should assure his Majesty of their readiness to spare four thousand men of the troops on the Irish establishment for the service in America, to be likewise paid by Great Britain; and it was expatiated upon by him, and all those who spoke on the side of Government, how advantageous such an offer must be, which provided equally for the safety of Ireland as if their own troops had remained in it, and would, moreover, bring eighty thousand pounds into that kingdom. The speech was answered by addresses from both Houses, returning thanks for the offer, but refusing the introduction of foreign troops; proving that they chose to defend their country, even in its present precarious situation, by the exertion of their own efforts, rather than adopt so unconstitutional a measure; but at the same time they consented, by address, to send to America the four thousand additional troops requested of them; both Houses understanding, however, that an act should be passed to legalize the terms of the said address, as the Crown had precluded itself, by act of Parliament, from the power of sending more than about three thousand one hundred men out of that kingdom, which number it had already exceeded. A bill was accordingly brought in, wherein were inserted two clauses calculated to effect that purpose; but, to the astonishment of the publick, those clauses were thrown out in England, and an act was again passed barring the Crown from the power of sending any more troops abroad than would leave twelve thousand men on that establishment for the defence of Ireland, and, consequently, the effect of the addresses of both Houses was thereby destroyed, whilst at that very time Government declared its resolution to send those four thousand men to America, in conformity to the addresses of both Houses, and signified that they did not consider the Crown as bound by the act to which the Royal assent had just been given to keep twelve thousand men in that kingdom, under pretence of its not being in the enacting part, though in the preamble of the act; but whoever reads it will find that compact not only in the preamble, but also so strictly tied to that part of the act which grants the subsidy, (being about four hundred and fifty thousand pounds,) that, if the Crown is not bound thereby, above two-thirds of the concessions from the Crown to the subject by act of Parliament since Magna Charta will fall to the ground, and the Crown has forfeited its right to those subsidies. I remember, upon this being hinted at by some members of the Irish Parliament, too sanguine for Government, the law servants of the Crown (men of the greatest abilities) avoided standing on that ground. As to the present Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, of whom many handsome things have been said by gentlemen on both sides of the House; those qualities mentioned are, I apprehend, relative only to his private character, which, merely as such, has, I think, good ingredients in it. But we do not sit here to discuss private characters; his ministerial and publick one is what we are to consider, and I will speak out: the talents and abilities of that Minister of the Crown are by no means equal to his station. Two millions and a half of people is a trust of too great weight for him to sustain; and he has sufficiently avowed his incapacity to govern them, by delegating all his power to his Secretary.

To conclude: the measures pursuing there, being illegal, must displease the best and soundest part of his Majesty’s subjects; and though, for certain purposes, the Ministry have this day spoken very advantageously of Ireland, should they go on acting as they do, they will meet with the united efforts of that country in opposition to their attempts; and then, instead of panegyrick, they will call out to this House for restraining and incapacitating bills to punish that kingdom as they have done America. Let me, therefore, recommend to the noble Lord now at the helm to attend, whilst it is time, to that alarmed part of his Majesty’s most affectionate subjects, and to forgive me if I heartily entreat him to apply his utmost care to rectify the errors of Government in that kingdom. In the case now before us, the conduct of Administration relative to the message from Lord Harcourt to the Irish Parliament has been unconstitutional and highly blameable. I therefore thank the right honourable gentleman for the motion, and express my hearty concurrence in it.

Mr. Fox observed, as the Administrations of both kingdoms were totally unconnected, so was every individual who

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