Act, predicting what has since literally happened. He concluded by making the following motion:

“That it be referred to a Committee, to inquire into the causes of the ill success of his Majesty’s arms in North-America, as also into the causes of the defection of the people of the Province of Quebeck.”

Lord Ossory seconded the motion, and said, he could not perceive how any member in the House, who was unconnected with the Ministry, and at the same time wished success to the American war, could be against it.

Lord Clare quoted the speech from the Throne. He insisted that it was orthodox, and ought not to be questioned, particularly as nothing material had since happened which could induce the House to alter its opinion. He insisted that the measure respecting the Hanover troops was perfectly justifiable, and that the plea of necessity was never better founded than on that occasion. His Lordship moved the previous question.

Mr. T. Townshend said, that the present motion would be a test of what might hereafter be expected from Ministers; for if they opposed it, it would fairly prove that, in smothering the inquiry, they intended to cover themselves from publick disgrace by a vote of that House.

Lord Mulgrave defended the naval operations. He contended, that the war was just and constitutional; that it was well conducted, and predicted that it would be happily and gloriously terminated.

Mr. Fitzpatrick replied to his Lordship, and remarked, though everything he said were well founded, the conclusions he drew by no means followed. He insisted, that the whole of the American business, from the very beginning, had been planned in absurdity, accompanied by negligence, and executed in a manner which evidenced the very excess of ignorance, incapacity, and misconduct. That the House were called upon by the whole nation, and in vindication of their own honour, to exact an account from the servants of the Crown of the causes of mismanagement of the American war, and to bring the authors to condign punishment, or at least to dismiss them, as unworthy of discharging the high and important trusts delegated to them.

Sir Gilbert Elliot said, that the troubles now subsisting in America are of a much longer standing, though they had not assumed the present form, than the honourable gentlemen who spoke on the other side supposed, for they commenced ten years ago. He insisted, that if such an inquiry were at all proper, this was not the time. Several persons who would be the subject of it, as well as those whom it would be proper to examine in order to procure information, were at present on their proper stations in America; and others not employed are not yet returned home. Taking it either way, then, if no inquiry ought to be gone into, there was an end of the motion. If there ought to be an inquiry, the present motion was premature, neither the parties charged, nor those that could properly give the necessary information, being on the spot.

Mr. Dempster was sorry to see such a disposition in Administration to stifle all inquiry. It looked as if they wanted to conceal something they were both afraid and ashamed should be brought to light. He therefore, if Ministry were not determined to confirm all the suspicions that had been entertained of them both within and without doors, thought it was their interest, as it was their duty, to do all in their power to exculpate themselves, for he could assure them, however sure they might be of a majority, some of their best friends began to doubt the truth of their assurances, and the possibility of carrying their plans into execution. He then took a short view of the Quebeck Bill, and concluded by solemnly averring, that, in his opinion, no Turkish Emperor ever sent a more arbitrary and oppressive mandate, by a favourite Bashaw, to a distant Province, than that bill was, with the instructions to the Governour which accompanied it.

Mr. Welbore Ellis said, that gentle moderate measures were unhappily pursued, when the situation of America called for the most strong and decisive. Thank God, said he, this mistaken system is now at an end: a powerful fleet and army are now going out, and I have not the slightest doubt that they will be sufficient to crush the rebellious Americans, and bring them back to a proper sense of their duty.

Mr. Adam said there had been very shameful neglect somewhere; and for that reason, he should be willing to go into the inquiry and trace it to its source. That either we knew America was preparing, and failed to make the necessary preparations, or were guilty of very criminal negligence, in not procuring proper information. This he instanced in the want of convoys for the transports which sailed early in the autumn.

Mr. Hey, (Chief Justice of Quebeck,) went into a defence of the Quebeck Bill; gave an historical account of the place and people, their manners, customs, and disposition; said he knew them well, as he had lived among them for upwards of seven years; and by all he could learn, the people of Canada never wished nor expected that the Parliament should control or superintend the King’s Government of that country. He then made an encomium on General Carleton; who, he said, had not been properly supported from hence.

Governour Johnstone observed, that some gentlemen on the other side had insisted, if an inquiry was at all proper, it would be at the end of a war, not the beginning; for his part, he was of opinion the earlier the better; nay, indeed, the first moment the situation of affairs called for it; and he could not avoid being for it, though no other motive operated on him but the extreme reluctance shown by several gentlemen; for where there was no guilt or conscious incapacity, no fears could arise. He said, if no inquiries had been set on foot, both in the beginning and middle of wars, probably the two last would not have ended so successfully. This he showed in the instances of Lestock, Matthews, Byng, &c. It was true, Ministers always trembled at inquiries; they were usually fatal to their power. So it happened at both the periods alluded to; and that was another reason why he was for the motion; for he was sure the present Ministry were as unequal to the task of making war, as they were incapable of procuring good terms of peace or conciliation; the undertaking was too ponderous and unwieldy for them. He mentioned Lord North’s attempt to negotiate with the American Congress, and the contempt with which his offer was treated; stating the fact from the Journal of the Congress, published by their own authority.

Lord North disavowed it; and declared he had never, directly nor indirectly, communicated, or caused to be communicated, any letter or paper to the Congress. He admitted the paper published in the Journal of the Congress contained his sentiments, but that was all.

General Burgoyne defended the operations of war in America.

Mr. Cruger. The honourable gentleman who opened this debate has spoken so fully and eloquently to every part of the question, that anything further in support of this motion may appear unnecessary. But, sir, when a subject of so much importance is before the House, it behooves every man to lay aside the reserve of diffidence, and express his sentiments with freedom and candour. If there is any point in which the different interests of this House should unite, it must be in a conviction of the necessity and expediency of inquiring into the causes of the present alarming state of publick affairs. By discovering what has proved ruinous in the past, we may learn at least to avoid the same pernicious steps for the future. If their measures have been conducted with justice and prudence, it is a duty which Administration owe to their characters, to disarm, by a free examination, that censure on their conduct which may possibly arise from ignorance. But if they love darkness rather than light,“because their deeds are evil,” it becomes the guardians of the nation to drag their miscarriages into open day, and expose them, with all their deformities, to publick investigation.

If such an inquiry was ever necessary, the present time demands it. If we look to the past, one uniform train of disappointments and misfortunes crowd the view; if to the future, a gloomy prospect of increasing miseries, from a continuance of the same left-handed policy and ill-projected measures. We are involved in a war, in which success itself will be ruinous. The Colonies, as if animated with one soul, are determined to perish or be free. We are told they must be subdued. We shall soon be called upon to make new exertions by force. Everything wears the face of hostile preparations; and, as if disappointment could create confidence, we are urged to pursue the same fatal measures, by arguments drawn from their miscarriage: