That the sum of £660,806 7s. 7d., charged to the Navy debt, has been paid for victualling land forces sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar, &c., for which no deduction appears to be made from the pay of those forces, nor any part of that sum reassigned to the victualling; which is a breach of several acts of Parliament. And the Address, setting forth exact similar abuses to those now practised towards the Navy, prays that, for the sake of her Majesty’s honour and for the publick good, she will be pleased to remove those persons from office and publick trust, who have been found guilty of such frauds, and that they may be prosecuted by law for their offences.

Lord John Cavendish seconded Mr. Hartley’s motion. He desired to know what money would be wanted, that the House might be enabled to judge fairly of the expediency of the undertaking; and entreated that Administration would desist from their shameful, disingenuous conduct of bringing in their accounts by piece-meal, recommending to them to speak out like men, who had nothing to fear or conceal, and were ready to submit the measure at large, with all its consequences, to the eye of Parliament.

Mr. Hartley. Interested, as I am, not to incur the displeasure or slight opinion of the House, which must have been my punishment if I had presumed to make myself so much the object of their attention, as I have done this day, upon frivolous, crude, unwarranted, or undigested materials; I now address them with more confidence, as the noble Lord has neither denied, nor even contested, any material fact or probable calculation which I have offered to you. He has not entered much into detail; but he has told us in general terms, that the expense must be enormous; that no estimate could be made that could give any satisfaction to Parliament, (which is but poor encouragement to proceed;) that it has not been usual to forecast, or to provide for the actual expenses of each year within the year, but that it may be proper to provide for a few Navy bills; and though he has not consented to have authentick estimates laid before the House, yet he has given a full confirmation to mine, as not being exaggerated, but probably much underrated.

Upon this warrant from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I will now apply myself to another noble Lord, lately advanced to the head of the American Department, and who is therefore to be considered as standing in the place of efficient and responsible Minister for the present civil war. As to the First Lord of the Treasury, his measures have been vilified; his plans have been ridiculed; he has been publickly reproached in this House with indolence. The other noble Lord, who is not of a disposition to be dictated to, is now brought forward to restore firmness to our counsels. He will turn over a new leaf. He will inspire new vigour in this civil war. His principles and conduct have always been consistent. He declares uniformly and repeatedly, in the most peremptory tone, that he will never consent to any treaty with the Colonies whatsoever, previous to unconditional submission. Let this noble Lord now look at the work that he has undertaken, and the support that he is likely to receive from his colleagues in office. Will he sit patiently in his place, and hear the Chancellor of the Exchequer admit the enormity of the financial provisions necessary, yet openly declaring in the House that he will not make those necessary provisions?

I appeal to the House, if the noble Lord who is Chancellor of the Exchequer did not admit my estimates of the probable expense of this year to be underrated, at the same time declaring that he would not make provision for them in this year’s account, but leave them to time and chance; concluding with telling us that it might be proper to provide for a few Navy bills.

Would the great Minister of the late war have patiently submitted to such an undisguised declaration? No; nor would he, under those conditions, have stood responsible. I do not mean to instigate the war-;no one will suspect me of that; but I apply to the discretion of those men who have undertaken. Granted that they can still think it may be within the limits of possibility to make a conquest of America, (which I think madness;) yet without concert, without union, without seamen; your levies not raised, your transports not hired, your embarkations already two months after their time, and still not in forwardness; your Chancellor of the Exchequer starving the service; one of your Commanders declaring in his place in this House, for himself and his colleagues, that the service was unsought; will not Ministers pause for a moment? Is the prospect so encouraging, or do they not begin to suspect that they have undertaken more than they can accomplish, at least in the disunion and distraction of their present counsels? It is now avowed, that we are too late to expect the conquest of America in this campaign; that point has slipped already; set down ten or twelve millions more for that sleepy fit. I apply to the prudence of Ministers whether, in the present circumstances at least, they may not think it advisable to relax from the peremptory terms of unconditional submission.

The whole of my object in applying to you this day, is to submit to the consideration of the House, and of the publick, whether, for the sake of justice, and upon a review of the state of the nation, and of all the consequences which must attend this fatal war, they will not think it reasonable and expedient (if this armament must proceed) to send, at the same time, a solemn, clear, distinct, and unambiguous specification of just and honourable terms to be offered to your Colonies, previous to any further acts of hostility. I think that Parliament owe to their own dignity, and to the honour of the kingdom which they represent, to set up the standard of national justice upon that ground. I do not take it as a simple proposition, either of concession or accommodation, but of indispensable justice, as connected with these armaments of vengeance which you are preparing. Let it be avowed, openly and unequivocally, to every member of the Constitution, that the British Government knows no other foundation, and acknowledges no other principle for its title and demands, but the compact of rational obedience and conditional submission. I take my line from the Address and Petition of the Corporation of the City of London, lately presented to the Throne. That Address will remain to the latest times a perpetual testimony and memorial of their prudence and diligence to direct, as far as their influence can extend, the movements of Government by justice and reason, and of their earnestness and zeal for the support of good order and just obedience, as long as Government will abide by their part of the compact. No people can be bound to surrender their rights and liberties in return for protection. When any Government make such demands, the compact is void. These are bold and manly principles. They are the pillars of our own Constitution. That great and respectable Corporation, the City of London, have taken a decided part worthy of themselves. They earnestly implore his Majesty, through the means of Parliament, to assure the Colonies that they shall be protected in their rights and liberties, and upon that ground to demand, in return, rational and contented obedience. Let the justice of the Legislature stand vindicated in the contest, and they offer their hands and hearts to support you. In a confederate State, where there are dependencies and subordinations, the term of a supreme legislature has a very intelligible import; but an arbitrary legislature is as totally repugnant to every principle of sound and just government, as an arbitrary Monarch. Reason is the law to legislatures, and the measure of obedience to subjects.

Whatever be the event of this unhappy civil contest, the City of London, as a very important member of the state, have discharged their duty with prudence and firmness. They have not presumed to dictate the terms; but, upon the most liberal principles, they have suggested that the fundamentals of this Government, which are taxation by Representatives, and security of Charters, ought, in the spirit of justice, to be confirmed to all parts of the British dominions. I think that it now remains with us, in conjunction with the other branches of the legislature, to fulfil our parts. If we neglect this step of justice now, the future national reproach will lie at our door. The answer which the City of London have received, too plainly imports unconditional submission, or no peace. Whoever has advised that answer, and still takes upon himself to persist inflexibly in these principles, has, in my opinion, taken a very desperate responsibility upon himself.

If Ministers have no regard for the honour and justice of their country, let them at least pause for one moment; and before they cut off all retreat, let them reflect upon their present enterprise and future responsibility. And first, I apply myself to the wisdom of the House upon the arguments of prudence, which the present state of the nation, as