“What his Majesty is pleased to say in relation to the measures which have been pursued in North-America will not escape your notice, as the satisfaction his Majesty expresses in the approbation his Parliament has given to them, and the assurances of their firm support in the prosecution of them, together with his Royal opinion of the great advantages that will probably accrue from the concurrence of every branch of the Legislature in the resolution of maintaining a due execution of the laws, cannot fail to produce the most salutary effects.

“From hence it will be understood that the whole Legislature concur in the opinion adopted by his Majesty’s servants, that no measure ought to be taken which can any way derogate from the legislative authority of Great Britain over the Colonies; but I can take upon me to assure you, notwithstanding insinuations to the contrary, from men with factious and seditious views, that his Majesty’s present Administration have at no time entertained a design to propose to Parliament to lay any further taxes upon America, for the purpose of raising a revenue; and that it is at present their intention to propose, in the next session of Parliament, to take off the duties upon glass, paper, and colours, upon consideration of such duties having been laid contrary to the true principles of commerce.

“These, my Lord, (or Sir.) have always been, and still are, the sentiments of his Majesty’s present servants, and the principles by which their conduct in respect to America has been governed; and his Majesty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for such an explanation of his measures as may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the misrepresentations of those who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of Great Britain and her Colonies; and to re-establish that mutual confidence and affection upon which the glory and safety of the British empire, depends.

Well, sir, if I understand the English language, if I understand common sense, here is the strongest renunciation of the right of taxation. But America was deceived; and how all these troubles arose afterwards, the present Ministers can tell you.

The application of this transaction is, that they will not be duped by Administration again; that no other terms than those proposed and specified by Parliament will be considered as the grounds of peace by America.

I have the best authority for what I say: “Nothing but terms held out by Parliament will do.” The noble Lord [Lord North] held in this House the same language last February, upon his conciliatory proposition. But if you are still agreed that nothing but unconditional submission will do, I have no more to say—throw away the scabbard! But I hope it is not so. The wisest of men, the wisest of nations, have treated, have receded, granted the concessions asked by rebellious subjects. What did the Romans do in the Social War? What did Philip of Spain? Was he not obliged at last to accede to their terms? What did Louis XIV offer Marshal Turenne, when in actual rebellion? What instances in your own civil wars? What does Whitelocke tell you of the propositions made by the King? Don’t tell me of the late Scotch Rebellion. Is there no difference? Could you treat with them? Could you divide the Crown or give it up? Could you have had two Kings of Brentford upon the Throne? The comparison is ridiculous, and unworthy of serious refutation. But are not these Rebels of a different kind? Who is there among you that would not combat any Power upon earth, invading in the same manner your privileges and rights?—men defending against the arm of power, what God and nature have given them, and no human power can justly wrest from them—the glorious privileges of the Revolution; those Whig principles which would, in other days, have excited this country to universal opposition. There is some difference, I hope, to be made; Some allowance for men engaged in such a cause.

The language of Administration, of unconditional submission, driven out as you are from every port in America, does not become you; it is the language of vengeance and not of sense; of violence, not of reason; of passion, and not of common sense.

The idea of foreign danger may be thought visionary; but are not France and Spain arming? Could they find a better opportunity? Would it be their interest that you should conquer America? How would such a force as you must have affect their fears? Is not the French Ministry changed? Is not the Queen thought to have great influence in that Court, and in the new arrangement? Who is her great friend? M. Choiseul. Who is the avowed enemy of this country? M. Choiseul. Who is the lover of war? M. Choiseul.

The assurances of the pacifick intentions of those Powers are told to you. Who made them—the last or the present Administration? What reliance can you have upon them? Why, sir, I know a brave man, and as good an officer as any in France; he held the same language to me; and vet this very gentleman [M. D’Ennery] is now sent out with an additional force to the French West-India Islands.

I shall trouble you no longer. The duty to my country, paramount to every obligation, obliges me to seize the only moment which remains between you and destruction; when this horrid war is to be carried on with every circumstance of aggravation; German mercenaries carrying desolation along with them; slaves excited to cut the throats of their masters. What can be more shocking to a feeling mind? I have no intention but the publick good. [A murmur from the Treasury Bench.] Yes, I say it again; I have no other. What have I to get by it? What have I to lose; what have I to gain? I have heard a language in private companies of affection to connexions, and engagements to private friends; perhaps there is an infirmity. I think the attention to the welfare of this great empire is transcendent to every consideration. I hope and believe there is such a thing as men having a real opinion in Parliament. I lament the infirmness and inattention, for these last five years, to publick concerns. This language proceeds from that; but I disclaim it, and offer you this motion, from my fervent and earnest regard to the welfare and prosperity of this great empire.

He moved,“That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to communicate to this House so much of the Instructions given to the Lord Viscount Howe and General Howe, his Majesty’s Commissioners, as relates to the conditions on which it is proposed to make peace with, or receive the submissions of, his Majesty’s American subjects now in arms.”*

* An authentick account of the Debate in the House of Commons, on General Conway’s Motion, the 22d of May, 1776.

General Conway first shortly explained the leading objects of Ms intended motion. He observed that Administration had, to the scandal of all good Government, suppressed everything relative to the true state of affairs in America. That the complaints of our Colonies were interrupted in their passage to the Throne and Parliament, as long as the King’s Ministers found their account in so doing. When a war was determined on, the conduct of Administration changed with their views; they first provoked the people to resist Government, and only produced to Parliament such part of the state of affairs in that country as promised to inflame and irritate Great Britain. That as soon as Great Britain had determined to assert her rights, Administration again resumed their wonted taciturnity, and from the very instant that America was declared in a state of rebellion, the present Parliament had been kept in the most profound ignorance of everything passing on the other side of the Atlantick.

He then moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to communicate to this House so much of the Instructions given to Lord Viscount Howe and General Howe, his Majesty’s Commissioners, as relates to the conditions or terms proposed for making peace with, or receiving the submissions of, his Majesty’s American subjects now in arms in America”

After the motion, as near as we can recollect, he spoke for above an hour and a half. He said he would have made it sooner, but did not think, when he determined to make his motion, that any specifick time was fixed for the rising of the Parliament. That he waited impatiently to see if the Gazette would not give some information to the people, at least since Parliament were to be led blindfolded, or kept in the dark. He lamented, in the most pathetick terms, the manner Parliament had been misled and worked up by the arts of designing, interested men, to set their faces against all concessions from America, however reasonable and sincere, unless the people of that country consented to lay down their arms, like cowards, slaves and poltrons. He contended, in a strain that would have done honour to the most steady patriots of Greece and Howe, that the honour of the British nation was betrayed, the dignity of Parliament sacrificed, and its dearest interests given up, to keep a set of men in power, the most unpopular, and the most unfit to direct the affairs of this country of any that the annals of Britain had known since the Revolution. How is it possible (says he) you can treat with this people, unless you know their terms? How is it possible, though you did know their terms, that you can have any expectation of peace, unless you know, at the same time, the conditions which Administration mean to hold out? What can America think of the British Parliament, or the British councils? This day no revenue, no tax is expected; to-morrow both are insisted on in the most peremptory terms. This day treaty, the next war, the third, a strange heterogeneous mixture of war and concession; and,