by him, as I am so hurried as not to have time to copy. Shall proceed to New-London, with a view more thoroughly to fit the brig, and procure such things as are necessary for a cruise, unless your Honour should order me otherwise. It is my opinion it will be highly serviceable to employ several small cruisers in the Sound, especially at the westward, to prevent the collection of Tories on the Island, and to prevent the escape of those who are collected there, as, it is hoped, an attempt will be made soon to seize the whole body of them.

I pray your Honour’s direction for my future conduct, which I shall endeavour punctually to observe, and shall make it my great study to serve the common cause to the utmost of my power.

I am, with great truth and regard, your Honour’s most obedient, humble servant,

SETH HARDING.

To His Honour Governour Trumbull, Esquire.

Fairfield, May 15, 1776.

SIR: The declaration of Samuel Hawley, enclosed in Captain Harding’s letter, to which we beg leave more particularly to refer your Honour, contains the most minute account we have yet been able to get of a horrid plot formed by the Tories to co-operate with our enemies to destroy the country. This Mr. Hawley, whom Captain Harding has encouraged to expect favour, as far as is consistent with the publick safety, is an inhabitant of Reading, of good estate, and appears to be a candid, sensible man, was frank and open in his declaration, seems to be very penitent and willing to submit to anything that shall be imposed on him. He disclosed the affair voluntarily, without any compulsion, and altogether freely, and seems to rejoice that he is stopped in his course, and appears to be much relieved from the distress of mind the Tories generally labour under. If he might have your Honour’s or the honourable Assembly’s favour to be improved as a witness, would submit to such bond for his appearance before your Honour, the Superior Court, or any other court, for his good behaviour and abiding on his own plantation, as your Honour shall order. From the opportunity we have had to become acquainted with his temper and disposition, we think we may venture to recommend him to your Honour’s favour, so far at least as to be under bonds for his appearance and good behaviour until the Superior Court, then to give evidence.

Captain Harding thinks himself bound in honour to make this representation to your Honour; and we think we can freely join, as we trust something effectual will be done now to root out the gang, so that we do not apprehend danger from Mr. Hawley, should he prove to be false in the end, which we can by no means believe. We submit the matter to your Honour’s wise conduct; and are, with great truth and regard, your Honour’s most obedient, humble servants,

LITCHFIELD COUNTY (CONNECTICUT) COMMITTEE.

At a meeting of the Committees of Inspection of the several Towns in said County, Reuben Smith, Esq., Chairman:

Among other things laid before said meeting, the method of electing Members of the Continental Congress was thought worthy of their consideration; and although as Committees of Inspection they do not pretend to take up the matter, yet, considered as individuals, they conceive they have an undoubted right to express their sentiments relative thereto. And as the mode of electing Members of the Continental Congress is a subject of very great importance at this critical juncture, it is to be wished that the sentiments of the freemen and respectable inhabitants of this Colony may be known on that head. We hope that our making publick in this way the sentiments of this County, so far as We are able to collect them, will at least have no ill tendency.

We were more particularly led to the consideration of this matter from a piece which lately appeared in the Connecticut Courant, entitled, “Articles of Confederation of the several United Colonies,” wherein, among other things, it was proposed “That the Delegates for the several United Colonies should be chosen by the several Provincial Assemblies or Conventions;” which method, we humbly conceive, is not agreeable to the freedom of the times, to the Constitution of this Colony, nor the reason or nature of things. We mean not to enter largely upon the subject, but would just observe in brief, that although our Assembly are chosen by the freemen, yet they being only representatives, cannot communicate that representative authority to others; this would be delegating authority which was never communicated to them, which we conceive to be an absurdity. We therefore beg leave to observe to the publick, that although we have most heartily acquiesced in the mode of electing the members of Congress hitherto practised in this Colony, and have most assured confidence in the wisdom, virtue, and patriotism of the honourable General Assembly, who have with so much facility devised such salutary measures for our common safety during the late and present exigencies of the times; nor do we pretend to say but that it may be best, for the present, to proceed in the same method until such time as the limits of the Continental authority are more precisely ascertained; yet we believe that as a just and equal representation is the greatest security any free people can have for the enjoyment of their just rights, so it is the inherent birthright of every member of society to have his voice in the choice of those into whose hands he commits the power of governing and directing for the good of the community at large. The more complex any form of Government is, the more danger there is that, in some future period of time, the component parts, which may be of different natures, will, in the end, operate to the total subversion of the Constitution; the more simple, therefore, the less danger. And as an equal representation, in which consists the essence of sound polity and good Government, cannot long take place where the freemen at large have not their voice in the choice of their representatives, it appears to us indispensably necessary that the members of the Congress be annually elected by the impartial, unbiased, uncorrupted voice of the freemen at large.

Thus we have hinted at what appears to us reasonable respecting the subject above-mentioned, without presuming to prescribe the manner in which the exercise of this right of election ought to take place, hoping prescriptions of that kind will in due time be made by some one or other of those venerable bodies of men intrusted with the publick weal of the United Colonies at the present day.

We conclude with recommending the consideration of the premises to our free brethren of this Colony, that the most salutary measures to perpetuate our freedom may finally be adopted.

A true copy. Attest:

LYNDE LORD, Clerk.

AARON HOBART TO RICHARD DEVENS.

Abington, May 15, 1776.

SIR: I received yours, by your son, of the 14th instant. I can make the shot immediately, and will send them to Weymouth, for the boats do go, and they may be sent to the Castle or to Boston next week.

I have all the discouragement and misfortune in casting the cannon. Something has attended the failure, which I refer you to your son for intelligence. As to the pots, I have sent five hundred and thirty to Roxbury, to Major Ruggles and Mr. Partridge; the remainder are at the furnace. The shot are already cast at Bridgewater. I am in want of some cash, and should be glad you would send me one hundred pounds by Mr. Robert Herrington.

Your most obedient and humble servant,

AARON HOBART.

To Mr. Richard Devens.

N. B. Bar iron, I have five tons by me at your furnace, at five and a half dollars per hundred weight.

PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, May 16, 1776.

SIR: I do myself the honour to enclose you several resolutions passed by the Congress, to which I beg leave to refer you.

The Congress being of opinion that it is necessary, as well for your health as the publick service, that you should