be secured by forts and block-houses. Many will be startled at the expenses that will necessarily attend such operations. The expenses, we may conclude, will be greatly lessened by the cheerful assistance of individuals in the neighbourhood of the places where the works are carried on, as they will be the first to reap the benefit of them; and will be amply repaid for all their trouble in the safety and composure with which they may pursue their farming or other business, without being frequently called off by alarms. But though we should exercise frugality, this is not a season to be afraid of expending. Our all is at stake, with life and liberty in the bargain. What will our paper riches be worth should our enemies succeed? Nothing at all. We may be even punished for having it, as they may infer from it our having encouraged the operations against them. Will our hard money be of any use to us? That they will take from us to pay themselves for the expenses they may have been at in subduing us; besides our estates wherewith to reward their dependants and agents. If we should be subjugated, we shall be, of all people, the most miserable, the Ministry looking upon us as the mainspring in all those movements that have opposed and disconcerted their arbitrary measures. We must not, therefore, be afraid of expenses; and had better spend all in securing our lives and liberties, than, by a parsimonious conduct, lose all, together with our lives and liberties. We have a well cultivated country; and if we can save that with ourselves, it will yield us after a while more property than the present emergency will take off. Besides, what we spend in putting the country into a state of defence, is spent among ourselves; and when once well spent, need not be repeated. This most probably is the determining year. Let us, then, humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, look up to him for his blessing, and set ourselves, one and all, with hand and purse, to that great and necessary work of self-defence, to which His providence is now calling us, and persist in it, without growing weary or fainting, until the same is finished

A WATCHMAN.

June 5, 1776.

London, June 6, 1776.

When all the troops that are gone out arrive in America, it is said that the Royal standard is to be hoisted in three different parts of the country, when it is thought many thousand people, friends to Government, finding themselves likely to be supported, (who were afraid before to declare themselves,) will flock to it.

By letters lately received from Vice-Admiral Young, dated at Antigua, the 3d of March, and from Vice-Admiral Gayton, dated at Jamaica, the 28th of that month, it appears that the cruisers under the command of the former had seized twenty-six, and those under the command of the latter, nine ships and vessels, either belonging to or employed in carrying on a trade with his Majesty’s rebellious subjects in North-America.

The reason that the Glasgow man-of-war was sent from North-America was owing to her being so much damaged by Admiral Hopkins’s armed vessel in the late engagement. She is ordered to be docked, and got ready to sail again with all expedition.

Amidst the shout of joy that has been raised on the appearance of the Extraordinary Gazette, it confirms one melancholy circumstance, which ought to be attended to by Administration in the midst of their transports, which is, it clearly proves that the Provincials are not poltroons; but that, on the contrary, throughout the whole of the siege of Quebeck and the retreat, (however they might have been overpowered by numbers, and the succour of the fleet,) they left no enterprise, however daring, unattempted. This unabating principle of courage, therefore, disseminated throughout three millions of people, is, and ought to be, of the most serious consideration; as such courage so exerted, though in one or two instances it might fail, bids fair in the end for success.

Several American gentlemen, who have sold their estates in that country and retired, have assured Lord George Germaine that if the King’s troops can, in the course of this campaign, secure all Canada, the tract of the Ohio, and the Lakes, with Crown-Point and the adjacent country, the Rebels will be kept in such constant alarm on their rear, and so injured by the men-of-war at sea, that they will submit in the following winter.

Speech of His Excellency ARCHIBALD BULLOCK, Esquire, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of GEORGIA, to the Provincial Congress, at SAVANNAH, June 5, 1776.

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Congress:

The state of the Province at your last meeting made it absolutely necessary to adopt some temporary regulations for the preservation of the publick peace and safety. And your appointment of me to carry these regulations into execution, at a time so critical and important to the welfare of this country, requires an exertion of the greatest prudence and abilities.

At a time when our rights and privileges are invaded, when the fundamental principles of the Constitution are subverted, and those men whose duty should teach them to protect and defend us are become our betrayers and murderers, it calls aloud on every virtuous member of the community to stand forth, and stem the prevailing torrent of corruption and lawless power.

The many and frequent instances of your attachment towards me, and an ardent desire to promote the welfare of my country, have induced me to accept of this weighty and important trust. For your interest only I desire to act; and, relying on your aid and assistance in every difficulty, I shall always most confidently expect it.

Some venial disaffected men may endeavour to persuade the people to submit to the oppressive mandates of despotism, but surely every freeman would consider the nature, and inspect the designs and execution of that Government under which he may be called to live. The people of this Province, in opposing the designs of a cruel and corrupt Ministry, have surmounted what appeared insuperable difficulties; and, notwithstanding the artifice and address that for a long time were employed to divert their attention from the common cause, they at length, by imperceptible degrees, succeeded, and declared their resolution to assert their liberties, and to maintain them at all events, in concurrence with the other associated Colonies. For my part, I most candidly declare, that from the origin of these unhappy disputes I heartily approved the conduct of the Americans. My approbation was not the result of prejudice or partiality, but proceeded from a firm persuasion of their having acted agreeable to constitutional principles, and the dictates of an upright disinterested conscience.

We must all acknowledge our great obligations to our ancestors for the invaluable liberties we enjoy; it is our indispensable duty to transmit them inviolate to posterity; and to be negligent in an affair of such moment, would be an indelible stain of infamy on the present era. Animated with this principle, I shall think myself amply rewarded if I can be so fortunate as to render any service to the cause of freedom and posterity.

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Congress:

Being sensible that many matters of great importance will claim your attention at this meeting, I will not take up too much of your time from the publick business. Some further regulations respecting the Courts of Justice, the state of the Continental Battalion, and the better ordering of the Militia of this Province, will necessarily be the subject of your disquisitions.

You must be convinced of the many difficulties we labour under, arising from the number that still remain among us, under the shelter of an affected neutrality. The arguments alleged for their conduct appear too weak to merit a refutation. This is no time to talk of moderation; in the present instance it ceases to be a virtue. An appeal, an awful appeal is made to Heaven, and thousands of lives are in jeopardy every hour. Our northern brethren point to their wounds, and call for our most vigorous exertions; and God forbid that so noble a contest should end in an infamous conclusion. You will not, therefore, be biased by any suggestions from these enemies of American liberty, or regard any censure they may bestow on the forwardness and zeal of this infant Colony. You must evidently perceive the necessity of making some further laws respecting these non-associates; and, though there may be some who appear at present forward to sign the Association, yet it becomes us to keep a watchful eye on the motives and conduct of these men, lest the publick good be endangered through their perfidy and pretended friendship.

By the resolves of the General Congress, the inhabitants