me a passport that may be of service in preventing me from being obstructed in accomplishing this design.

I am, sir, with great respect, your most obedient servant,

U. SCOTT.

To the Hon. President of the Council of Safety.

PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO GENERAL MERCER.

Philadelphia, June 6, 1776.

SIR: I am directed by Congress to inform you that they yesterday appointed you a Brigadier-General in the Army of the United Colonies, and that they request you will, immediately on receipt hereof, set out for Head-Quarters, at New-York; for which purpose I am commanded to forward you this by express. Should you take Philadelphia in your way, I must beg you will do me the favour to call at my house, as it is highly probable I shall have something in charge from Congress ready for you by that time.

I do myself the pleasure to enclose your commission; and have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,

J. HANCOCK, President.

To Brigadier-General Mercer, Virginia.

PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO COLONEL MOYLAN.

Philadelphia, June 6, 1776.

SIR: The Congress, from a sense of your merit, and attachment to the American cause, have been pleased to appoint you Quartermaster-General in the Army of the United Colonies, with the rank of Colonel. I do myself the pleasure to enclose your commission; and am, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,

J. HANCOCK, President.

To Stephen Moylan, Esq., Quartermaster-General, &c., at New-York.

(Note A similar letter, of the same date, enclosing a commission, was sent at the same time, to Brigadier-General Whitecomb, at Watertown.)

Reflections on Publick Affairs: Recommended to the perusal of the Members of the NEW-JERSEY Assembly.

The publick papers have announced to us that the Assembly of New-Jersey are called to meet on the 20th of this month; and the reason assigned by the Governour for this unexpected summons is, that he has “matters of great importance to communicate to them;” but of what kind those “matters of great importance” are, or whence derived, we are left totally uninformed. The usual time of meeting of the Legislature of New-Jersey is about the month of October, at which time the act for the support of Government expires; and whenever any occurrence happens of importance enough to require their meeting before the stated time, it is usually made known, in some measure, to the publick, as well by way of assigning a reason for such a measure, as to give the Members an opportunity of informing their own minds, and of knowing something of the minds of their constituents upon the matters to be deliberated on. This was the method pursued by the same Governour, when he called the Assembly together upon the receipt of the famous resolve of the Committee of the House of Commons, of the 20th February, 1775, when the people of this country were in a much smaller degree soured with the conduct of the Ministry and their agents than they are at present, and less suspicious of evil designs against them. But upon this occasion we are left entirely to conjecture; and our Representatives must either discover those “important matters” by the spirit of divination, or come together totally unprepared to judge of them; at least they will be wholly deprived of an opportunity of consulting their constituents upon them, though questions of the greatest magnitude may be involved in them, which, as things are circumstanced at present, can with propriety be determined by no other rule than the sentiments of the people at large. In this situation, we can only judge from circumstances what is most likely to be propounded for the consideration of the Assembly, when they come together; and as it is of some consequence that we should, by some means or other, hit upon a proper preparation for it, I wish to see every probable conjecture offered to the publick for their animadversion; and as my thoughts have been called to the subject by this sudden and unexpected notification, I shall, with the leave of the printer, offer my apprehensions upon it to the consideration of the publick. I have been casting about for some motive in Government that is not unfriendly to the Colonies, but can find none. I cannot find that there have been any instructions, or despatches of any kind, lately received from England, or that the disposition of the Ministry admits of anything favourable to us in that way, if there had been any; nor has any late occurrence among ourselves given ground to hope for any good from such a meeting at present. I am therefore led to imagine that the motive is no other than an insidious design to lay hold on the present combination of apparently unfortunate circumstances, to distract and divide our counsels, and thereby to throw us into so much confusion and disorder as that we may the more readily be induced to submit to any terms they may think fit to propose, or, perhaps, to give ourselves up entirely to the old Government, as the readiest way to get out of our present difficulties. Some of my inducements to this supposition I will mention.

We all remember a special calling of the Assembly on the insidious proposition of last year, and what pains were taken to procure its acceptance in this Province.

Ever since the account of our miscarriage at Quebeck came among us, a certain set of people have raised their heads, and plumed themselves, as if they supposed the liberties of America had thereby received a mortal wound.

The mode of conducting a certain dispute in Philadelphia has induced a belief in some weak, and many willing minds, that the resolve of Congress of the 15th of last month is intended as a final bar to a reconciliation with the mother country, on any terms whatever; and, therefore, that it is the most dangerous method in the world to be adopted. It is held up by the ministerialists as a touchstone, by which we may certainly distinguish those of us who wish for absolute and perpetual independence from those who are desirous of a reconciliation upon safe and honourable terms. But I take it to be a very unjust criterion; for I doubt not there are many zealous advocates for a compliance with the recommendation of the Congress, who yet hope for a safe and honourable connection with Great Britain. On the other hand, I know there are some who are staggered with the resolve of Congress, from an apprehension of its absolutely excluding all hopes of a reconciliation, who, nevertheless, would willingly join in anything short of that which the Congress may direct as necessary for our present defence; and yet, if this test were to determine it, these would be ranked with those enemies of America who have industriously wrought up this alarm. The scheme, however, is artful, and has had a wonderful effect. By raising one grand question, viz: “Whether they are for or against Independency?” (which is explained to imply a Republican Government, and a perpetual separation from Great Britain,) and thereby dividing the people into two classes only, we find a strange, heterogeneous mixture of characters thrown together into one common mass on one side of the question, consisting of-1st, all the Tories, of every rank, as well those openly and avowedly so, as those who have withheld a declaration of their sentiments altogether, and those who, on many occasions, have joined in the measures of the Opposition, and accepted offices from the people; 2d, most of the lukewarm Whigs; 3d, a great number of the ignorant, the weak, and the timid of the Whigs, who, either from want of opportunity, want of judgment, or want of resolution, have been led away by a delusion. These, altogether, make a considerable number, who have, as it were, united their forces upon this untimely question. The late election for Delegates in this Province gave them some opportunity of parading their troops, and the appearance in some Counties was formidable. The agents of the Ministry are desirous to avail themselves of so favourable a conjuncture to make another attempt to divide the Colonies; for if they can detach from the rest any one Colony, especially one of the middle ones, they look upon their work as accomplished we should get to fighting with each other, and fall an easy prey to their machinations.

These are my apprehensions of the matter, accompanied with the leading circumstances which have given rise to them. Many other circumstances of smaller note have occurred to my mind, which tend to strengthen the suspicion;