Great Britain should be resolved upon, declared, and attempted in this Province.

We do not presume, gentlemen, to dictate to you, or even to instruct you; we address you as fellow-subjects and fellow-sufferers, zealous for the rights of America in general, but particularly anxious for the real welfare of New-Jersey. As such, we trust that you will be too deeply impressed with the recollection of the peculiar happiness and prosperity heretofore enjoyed by the inhabitants of this continent, connected with and subject to the Government of Great Britain, not to dread the consequences of a declared separation from that country. We trust, gentlemen, that you will have the honour, the interest, safety, and welfare, of this your native country too much at heart to subject tills once flourishing and happy Province to the reproachful and calamitous consequences of an avowed separation.

Permit us, also, gentlemen, to suggest that we cannot but think that any precipitate resolves to change our present constitutional form of Government must, in their consequences, operate to retard and obstruct what we are persuaded you, gentlemen, as well as ourselves, cannot wish to lose sight of, as the primary and constant object of the present unhappy dispute, namely, a safe, honourable, and lasting reconciliation with Great Britain on constitutional principles. To effect which desirable end, we apprehend the union of the Colonies was recommended; for which purpose alone was the Continental Congress delegated, and their authority hitherto submitted to; and upon the same hopes of peace and reconciliation, we are daily impatiently expecting Commissioners from his Majesty. From these considerations, gentlemen, we were convinced that sentiments of separation and independence must be not only highly impolitick, but may be of the most dangerous and destructive consequences; add to which, gentlemen, we have the satisfaction to see the General Assembly of this Province legally convened, and from time to time duly meeting, and in the full exercise of their legislative authority and jurisdiction; and as the principal officers of Government in this Colony are now amongst us, and engaged in the duties of their station, our courts of justice and publick offices open, and business there conducted with order and regularity, our present established mode of Government, we are convinced, will continue, as it has hitherto been experienced to be, fully sufficient to the exigencies of our affairs, and best conduce to the happiness and safety of the people of New-Jersey.

That you, gentlemen, may join in sentiments and opinion with us on the present occasion, and strenuously adhere to, maintain, and assert our present mode of Government, as founded on the British Constitution, and established and confirmed by the laws of the land, is the sincere and hearty prayer of, &c.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

[Read June II, 1776.]

New-York, June 10, 1776.

SIR: Since I did myself the honour of writing to you yesterday, I have had the satisfaction of seeing, and for a few minutes conversing with, Mr. Chase and Mr. Carroll, from Canada. Their account of our troops, and the situation of affairs in that department cannot possibly surprise you more than it has done me; but I need not touch upon a subject which you will be so well informed of from the fountain head; nor should I have given you the trouble of a letter by this day’s post but for the distraction which seems to prevail in the Commissary’s Department, (as well as others in that quarter,) the necessity of having it under one general direction, and the dissatisfaction of Colonel Trumbull at the allowance made him by Congress as an equivalent for his trouble. With respect to this particular matter, I can only say that I think he is a man well cut out for the business; and that where a shilling is saved in the pay a pound may be lost by mismanagement in the office; and that his resignation at this time (I mean this campaign) may possibly be attended with great and fatal consequences. I therefore humbly submit to Congress the propriety of handsomely rewarding those gentlemen who hold such very important, troublesome, and hazardous offices as Commissary and Quartermaster.

In speaking to the former about the supplies necessary for the troops to be raised, he informed me that the quantity of salt provisions which was shipping from hence might render his attempt to do it precarious; in consequence of which I desired him to lay the matter before the Convention of this Colony, which he will do this day; but in the mean while desired Congress might be informed of the matter, which I cannot better do than in his own words, enclosed, and submit the consideration of it to the wisdom of that honourable body.

To Congress I also submit the propriety of keeping the two Continental battalions, under the command of Colonels Shea and McGaw, at Philadelphia, when there is the greatest probability of a speedy attack upon this place from the King’s troops. The encouragements given by Governour Tryon to the disaffected, which are circulated no one can well tell how; the movements of this kind of people, which are more easy to perceive than describe; the confident report which is said to have come immediately from Governour Tryon, and brought by a frigate from Halifax, that the troops at that place were embarking for this; added to a thousand incidental circumstances, trivial in themselves but strong from comparison,—leaves not a doubt upon my mind but that troops are hourly expected at the Hook.

I had no doubt when I left this city for Philadelphia but that some measures would have been taken to secure the suspected and dangerous persons of this Government before now, and left orders for the military to give every aid to the civil power; but the subject is delicate, and nothing is done in it; we may therefore have internal as well as external enemies to contend with.

I have the honour to be, with the most respectful compliments to yourself and Congress, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON

To the Hon. John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress.

JOSEPH TRUMBULL TO PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

New-York, June 9, 1776.

DEAR SIR: You are very sensible that I am by no means satisfied with the allowance Congress have been pleased to make me for my risk, to say nothing of services, in the department they did me the honour to appoint me to the 19th of July last.. Notwithstanding the Congress seem so very averse to a commission for doing the business of my office, yet I do conceive there is no just or equitable way of making a compensation therein other than that. Why should I have as much when I supply only five thousand men as when I supply fifty thousand? Nor can I conceive of one single reason against it, but that the pitiful commission commonly allowed will be a temptation to me to expend money wantonly and profusely for the sake of it. Would the Congress speak this out as their sentiment with respect to me, be assured I would not serve them, even for the principal sum. But to say no more of this matter. Why am I singled out from others employed in doing business for the continent? I am well informed, nay, I am sure, in some cases they have done, and do it. Are all the vessels fitted out for them without a commission? Are not the buyers of flour elsewhere allowed a commission of at least one-and-a-quarter per cent.? Has not the Quartermaster-General been allowed a commission of five per cent, on goods? And have not, and are not, the purchasers of those goods allowed a three per cent, commission? Am I not directed, though not by a pub-lick resolution, to satisfy my purchasers in the country by the common and usual commission established by custom out of mind? These I know, I allow, are right and just, and, among the persons I employ, are absolutely necessary, and without it I can get nobody to do the business, and the Army cannot be supplied. But why this distinction? Why am I allowed only a fixed sum, not a half, in some cases not more than a quarter what is allowed to some persons I employ to purchase in an inconsiderable part of what must all go through my hands, and I must see issued out even in ounces? If my services are not acceptable, if I have not served them well, why am I not dismissed, not starved; nay, why am I laid under such an odious distinction, worse, infinitely, than a dismission? I well remember what you said to me in Philadelphia; but, sir, how soon may you, and some others be removed from Congress; should that happen,

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