TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF NEW-YORK.

MY DEAR FRIENDS: The subject upon which we are now to deliberate, and which we are requested by the Congress to carry into execution with the utmost diligence and punctuality, is the election of proper persons to form a new mode of Government for this Colony. This is a matter of the highest importance to our future happiness and prosperity, as well as to the rights and liberties of the United Colonies in general; it therefore merits the most studious attention our minds are capable of exerting. And as the good people of this County generally look up to their Committee for advice and direction in matters of publick concern, and having now before us a resolve of Congress of the most glorious and interesting nature, and this resolve recommended to us by the approbation of our worthy Committee, we, their constituents, in justice to our country, ourselves, and posterity, will do well seriously to deliberate on and weigh the good consequences which, by favour of the God of truth and justice, will certainly result from this transaction, and thereby we shall be well convinced of its propriety and necessity, and enter the more heartily and unanimously into the measure.

In considering this subject, I think there are two things which present themselves to our immediate consideration: First, The necessity of forming a new mode of Government at present; and, Secondly, The qualifications necessary in those persons who are to be elected to that important trust.

As to the first, the resolutions of the Continental Congress, as well as those of our own Colony, have, to every disinterested and liberal mind, clearly proved the necessity of establishing a new mode of Government here. But as there are still some persons in this City whose judgments we have reason to think are biased by prejudice, or the sound of a name, or whose faculties may be so weak as not to comprehend the momentous subject as presented by Congress, I shall endeavour, briefly, to offer a few thoughts to such, in order to make it clear to the meanest capacity, and at the same time obviate an objection, which, by some, I conceive, will be made to the measure proposed, namely, that it is immediately declaring an independency.

As to the objection against forming a new Government at all, I would request those who make it to consider that, at present, no Government exists here, nor can any legal Government possibly exist upon the old plan, when one of the three branches thereof is withdrawn, and that the main one, too, of which our former Government was composed. Must not, then, our courts of justice, and, indeed, the whole course of the law, stand still? And will not this render both our persons and properties insecure? If Government be instituted for the security of both, how can offenders be legally punished where no Government exists? Or, if Government did exist, how can the present officers thereof act in anywise consistent with the oaths they have taken, while we are, in defence of everything valuable in human life, opposing, the very Government they are sworn to support? Can Congress or Committees be equal to the task? They cannot. If so, then without a new legal Government, universal disorder must ensue. As to the position, that this measure is declaring an independency, I would only answer, that if the measure be necessary to preserve us from a thousand evils that are ready to break in upon us without it, it ought instantly to be adopted, though the enemies of our land should stigmatize it with a name which they, and they only, think a term of reproach. If to be. independent is not only the aim and glory of every individual upon the face of the earth, but also of every country on the other side of the world—for there is not one among them all which doth not place its chief happiness here—I say, if this be a natural principle in mankind, considered as individuals, and the constant aim and desire of all other countries, in the name of wonder why should this only be excepted from the natural, the necessary, the exalted privilege of being free and independent of every foreign jurisdiction? But should peace, reconciliation, or union with Britain, ever again take place, will it not be more easily effected when the people of these Colonies are under a regular form of Government, than when matters were suffered to run into confusion? Most certainly it will. For when the most ambitious man, or set of men, heading a lawless multitude, shall direct our councils by his or their mere will and pleasure; when tyranny, anarchy, and confusion, shall pervade this once peaceful land; when, for want of Government, the strong shall lord it over the weak, and refuse to resign their power; or when, from the very nature of such proceedings, a disunion in all or most of the now United Colonies must ensue, a reunion then will be impossible upon any other terms than that of absolute subjection and slavery.

It is but too shrewdly suspected that many of our late Governours had this ignoble end in view when they withdrew themselves from their respective Governments; but thanks to the Supreme Governour of the world, who has in so remarkable a manner often interposed in our behalf, and in no instance more so than by giving such wisdom to the conductors of our publick affairs as to induce them to leave it in the choice of every Colony “to adopt such a form of Government as shall, in the opinion of the Representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.” If, without establishing a new mode of Government, we can have no happiness or safety as a people; if this step be essentially necessary towards a future reconciliation or peace with Britain, consistent with liberty; and if our Representatives in Congress, on the most mature deliberation, have directed us to the measure, it is therefore become absolutely necessary, as it comes to us with every recommendation which can engage the attention and compliance of every good man.

As to the qualifications necessary in those persons who are to be elected by us to the important trust of forming this new Government, I shall only observe, that I think it the duty of every elector to lay aside all partiality and prejudice with regard to the external appearance of men, and choose those only whom they know to be remarkable for true wisdom, integrity, an extensive political knowledge, fortitude of mind, and a uniform steadiness to the American cause. Let these characteristicks, my dear friends, and these only, be the mental qualifications of such men as shall be the objects of your choice, this being the greatest purpose that ever men were yet chosen for in any country. If we conduct ourselves well on the, 17th instant, by choosing such characters only, all-gracious Heaven will smile on the solemn transaction, approve of our choice, and ratify above, what we shall then do for the benefit of mankind.

COLUMBUS.

New-York, June 12, 1776.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE CAMP AT THE MOUTH OF THE SOREL, DATED JUNE 12, 1776.

Before the arrival of Colonels Wayne and Irvine’s Regiments, under the command of General Sullivan, Colonel St. Clair, with a detachment of seven hundred men, was sent down the river St. Lawrence about nine leagues, to watch the motion of the enemy, and to act occasionally. General Sullivan’s arrival here was at a critical time: Canada was lost, without some notable exertion; the credit of our arms gone; and no number of American troops to sustain our posts. It was said that the taking Trois Rivieres, with such troops as were in it, would be of service. A detachment, under General Thompson, was sent down the river, the corps under Colonel St. Clair was to join them, and if the General thought it expedient, he was ordered by General Sullivan to attack the enemy at Trois Rivieres. We left this on the evening of the 6th instant, in several batteaus, and joined Colonel St. Clair about twelve o’clock at night, which being too late to proceed on to Trois Rivieres, the enterprise was postponed till the next night. In the dusk of the evening of the 7th, we set off from the river Nicolete, with about fifteen hundred rank and file, besides officers. It was intended we should make an attack at Trois Rivieres about daybreak; the Army was divided into five divisions—Colonel Maxwell, Colonel St. Clair, Colonel Wayne, and Colonel Irvine, each commanded a division, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hartley commanded the reserve; the town was to have been attacked in four several places, and he was ready to sustain the party which might stand in need of assistance. We landed about nine miles above the town from our boats, left two hundred and fifty men to guard them, and proceeded on with the utmost expedition to the place. We had bad guides, and were misinformed as to the number of the enemy as well as the situation of the town. Our men had lost their sleep for two nights, yet were in pretty good spirits. Daylight appeared, and showed