engagement between the ships and the row-galleys, being the first of the kind happening here, was managed on the part of the latter beyond anything that could be expected. Nevertheless the Captains conceived themselves aggrieved by some reports circulated soon after the engagement, to remove which they published a handbill; and the Committee of Safety, in order to justify, or perhaps rather to revenge themselves, went much farther with it, and although the Committee of the House of Assembly had an opportunity to have softened and healed up the difference, they, by their report, have only irritated and made it worse, and after complying with the request of the Captains for a hearing, broke up without fulfilling it. This matter would not have risen to the present height had there been no secret enemy at the bottom.

While the House was sitting, it received a letter from the Convention of Virginia, setting forth the reasons which induced that body to support the doctrine of Independence; which letter was read in the House, laid aside, and no answer returned. The incivility of such a proceeding tends to weaken the friendship, and consequently the union of the Colonies.

In consequence of a memorial from the freemen of Cumberland County, a motion was made in Assembly for withdrawing the instructions to the Delegates; and after a debate of three days new ones were agreed upon. The preamble to the new instructions runs thus: “When, by our instructions of last November, we strictly enjoined you, in behalf of this Colony, to dissent from, and utterly to reject any proposition, should such be made, that might cause or lead to a separation from Great Britain, or a change of the form of this Government, our restrictions did not arise from any diffidence of your abilities, prudence, or integrity, but from an earnest desire to serve the good people of Pennsylvania with fidelity.”

The reason here given is vague, general, and unsatisfactory; neither did the circumstances of things then confirm or corroborate with the reason given now, because the necessity of a Continental Union existed as much at that time as this. But since the House hath pleaded a kind of “not guilty” excuse for their instructions, it is but right that they should know part of the opinion which some of the publick entertained respecting those instructions, which was, that they considered them as an artful and selfish compromise for the safety of the persons who were the promoters of them; and there is very little doubt to be made, but that the honour of first drawing them up, passing them, or acting under them, would have been strongly contended for, and pleaded as an evidence of the loyalty, both of the House of Assembly and their Delegates, in case the enemy had been able to have penetrated this Province. The new instructions left the Delegates at large; yet we have no reason to believe that their conduct in Congress is altered thereby. The opponents of Independency may as well invite the enemy at once, as to continue to do it by holding out the doctrine of reconciliation; for we observe that Britain of late has directed all her force towards those Provinces only where independence prevails least, because, from such Provinces, she naturally expects the least resistance.

The rescinding the old instructions was violently opposed by the Proprietary party; everything respecting the King of Great Britain was represented by them in the softest colours. One of those gentlemen declared in the House that he thought the King’s answer to the Petition of the City of London “a very proper one.”

After passing those instructions, a new scheme began to appear in the House, which, if carried into execution, would probably have thrown the Province into irrecoverable disorder. It was wished by some friends that, in order to conciliate matters, the House would pass a resolve, recommending the electing of a Convention on the equitable plan proposed on the 20th of May; but those Members who conceived themselves disappointed because the resolve of Congress was not wholly left to the House, formed a scheme for carrying the matter respecting the Convention much farther than bare approbation, and were for entering upon the business itself, by fixing the numbers the Convention should consist of, the proportion to each County, and other matters. As the House had never been requested, but, on the contrary, forbidden to interfere in any part of the business of a new Government, and as nearly all the Counties had at that time nominated their Deputies to the Conference, some of which were upon the road, for the express purpose of settling and adjusting the number, proportion, time, and place of the Convention, nothing but confusion could have been produced by the Assembly meddling therewith; because the Conference would have met notwithstanding, and being qualified by their constituents for that especial purpose, their authority for that business would have been far superior to that of the Assembly, and in this case, two plans for a Convention would have appeared at the same time, by which means the day of election would probably have been a day of confusion, some insisting on one mode and some on the other. It is time now that our object should be single, for while two are in view, the spirit of disunion will be kept alive. The discovery of this scheme created new suspicions between the Members of the House; those who considered it as a dangerous experiment, were warmly against it, while others, who had not fully reflected on the consequences, were easily drawn in to approve it; and, under the influence of these apprehensions, the different parties alternately withdrew from the House to frustrate the designs of each other, till the Members, heartily tired and wearied with mutual disappointment, agreed to break up the House and go home. In their votes, they have called it an adjournment to the 26th of August, but there were present at that time only thirty-six Members, which not making a House, they could only adjourn from day to day for the want of a quorum, and not until another sitting; for if any number less than a House, which is two-thirds of the whole, could make a regular adjournment, the consequences would be equally as prejudical as if the power of adjourning had resided in a Governour; and if the gentlemen who were in the House at that time will contend for the excellence and existence of their Charter, they ought, should the House ever meet again, to be impeached of high treason for breaking it in almost the only instance in which it was valuable. On whatever principle the separate Members may justify their conduct, is not here intended to be inquired into; but as a House they have no excuse. They have deserted the publick trust in a time of the greatest danger and difficulty. Like James II, they have abdicated the Government, and by their own act of desertion and cowardice have laid the Provincial Conference under the necessity of taking instant charge of affairs; and I see not how the Members of Conference can excuse themselves without attending to this point. The revolution is now begun, and must be supported, and the Members of Assembly have their apology, by saying that the Conference was to meet in a few days.

Besides, the confusion now subsisting between the Committee of Safety and the officers of the row-galleys, by which the welfare of this city and Province is in immediate danger, makes a superintending power indispensably necessary. It matters not where the fault lies, or whether in both—it is the consequences which the publick look at. One thing in this dispute ought not to be forgotten, which is, that several of the Committee of Safety are suspected Tories, have signed the remonstrance, and are highly improper to be at the head of military secrets and affairs on the present system; and I cannot see how any man, especially a military man, holding independent principles, can think himself safe under the direction or authority of those who oppose them; and when this matter is reflected on, there will appear strong reason to believe that their present disputes arise from a heterogeneous composition in the present Committee of Safety. Besides which, the authority of that body being derived from the House of Assembly, is at present in suspense, which, added to other circumstances that are daily occuring, lay an absolute duty on the Conference to take the state of affairs into consideration, and provide accordingly.

The House of Assembly has, as appears by their votes, confessed their inability to go through the necessary measures for defence. The circumstance is this: the resolve of Congress respecting the imbodying six thousand men, laid a fortnight on the Assembly’s table, without being attended to, and at the time of their dissolution, they passed a resolve excusing themselves, by saying, “that they are earnestly desirous of carrying into execution the resolution of Congress of the 1st instant, but that, as they despair, after repeated disappointments, of procuring a quorum of the House, they find themselves unable at this time to proceed on the said resolution.” Yet the House took an effectual method to