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of Philadelphia will strain every nerve to comply with this requisition of Congress with all the despatch which the infinite importance of the present situation of our affairs requires. I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble servant, JOHN HANCOCK, President. To the Committee of Philadelphia. (Same to the Committee of Chester County, to the Committee of Bucks County, to the Committee of Berks County, to the Committee of Northampton County, to the Committee of Lancaster County, to the Committee of York County, and to the Committee of Cumberland County.) JOHN ADAMS TO MRS. ADAMS. Philadelphia, July 3, 1776. Your favour of 17th June, dated at Plymouth, was handed me by yesterday’s post. I was much pleased to find that you had taken a journey to Plymouth to see your friends, in the long absence of one whom you may wish to see. The excursion will be an amusement, and will serve your health. How happy would it have made me to have taken this journey with you. I was informed a day or two before the receipt of your letter that you were gone to Plymouth, by. Mrs. Polly Palmer, who was obliging enough, in your absence, to send me the particulars of the expedition to the lower harbour against the men-of-war. Her narration is executed with a precision and perspicuity which would have become the pen of an accomplished historian. I am very glad you had so good an opportunity of seeing one of our little American men-of-war. Many ideas new to you must have presented themselves in such a scene; and you will in future better understand the relations of sea engagements. I rejoice extremely at Dr. Bulfinch’s petition to open a Hospital; but I hope the business will be done upon a larger scale, I hope that one Hospital will be licensed in every County, if not in every town. I am happy to find you resolved to be with the children in the first class. Mr. Whitney and Mrs. Katy Quincy are cleverly through inoculation in this city. The information you give me of our friend’s refusing his appointment has given me much pain, grief, and anxiety. I believe I shall be obliged to follow his example. I have not fortune enough to support my family, and, what is of more importance, to support the dignity of that exalted station. It is too high and lifted up for me, who delight in nothing so much as retreat, solitude, silence, and obscurity. In private life, no one has a right to censure me for following my own inclinations, in retirement, simplicity, and frugality. In publick life every man has a right to remark as he pleases; at least he thinks so. Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps never was nor will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting Colony, “that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; and, as such, they have, and of right ought to have, full power to make war, conclude peace, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which other States may rightfully do” You will see, in a few days, a Declaration setting forth the causes which have impelled us to this mighty revolution, and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God and man. A plan of Confederation will be taken up in a few days. When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect the argument concerning writs of assistance in the Superior Court, which I have hitherto considered as the commencement of this controversy between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole period, from that time to this, and recollect the series of political events, the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness, as well as greatness of this revolution. Britain has been filled with folly, and America with wisdom; at least this is my judgment. Time must determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting and distresses yet more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it will have this good effect at least, it will inspire us with many virtues which we have not, and correct many errors, follies, and vices, which threaten to disturb, dishonour, and destroy us. The furnace of affliction produces refinement in States as well as individuals. And the new Governments we are assuming in every part will require a purification from our vices and an augmentation of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people will have unbounded power; and the people are extremely addicted to corruption and venality, as well as the great. But I must submit all my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence in which, unfashionable as the faith may be, I firmly believe. JOHN ADAMS TO MRS. ADAMS. Philadelphia, July 3, 1776. Had a Declaration of Independency been made seven months ago it would have been attended with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hour, have formed alliances with foreign States. We should have mastered Quebeck and been in possession of Canada. You will, perhaps, wonder how such a declaration would have influenced our affairs in Canada: but if I could write with freedom, I could easily convince you that it would, and explain to you the manner how. Many gentlemen in hig stations, and of great influence, have been duped by the Ministerial bubble of Commissioners to treat; and, in real sincere expectation of this event, which they so fondly wish ed, they have been slow and languid in promoting measures for the reduction of that Province. Others there are in the Colonies who really wished that our enterprise in Canada. would be defeated, that the Colonies might be brought into danger and distress between two fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the expedition to Canada lest the conquest of it should elevate the minds of the people too much to hearken to those terms of reconciliation which, they believed, would be offered us. These jarring views, wishes, and designs, occasioned an opposition to many salutary measures which were proposed for the support of that expedition, and caused obstructions, embarrassments and studied delays, which have finally lost us the Province. All these causes, however, in conjunction would not have disappointed us, if it had not been for a misfortune which could not be foreseen, and perhaps could not have been prevented—I mean the prevalence of the small-pox among our troops. This fatal pestilence completed our destruction It is a frown of Providence upon us which we ought to lay to heart. But, on the other hand, the delay of this Declaration to this time has many great advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation, which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well-meaning, though weak and mistaken people, have been gradually and at last totally extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of Independence and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets by debating it in Assemblies, Conventions, Committees of Safety and Inspection, in Town and County meetings, as well as in private conversations; so that the whole people, in every Colony of the Thirteen, have now adopted it as their own act. This will cement the Union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago. But the clay is past. The 2d day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward, forevermore. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet through all the gloom I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means; and that posterity will triumph in that day’s transaction, even although we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not
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