tlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear. But were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured. You can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and permit them lo enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just causes of lasting enmity; and this must impel you, were we again under your Government, to endeavour the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your power, our growing strength and prosperity.

But your Lordship mentions "the King's paternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the Colonies." If by peace is here meant a peace to be entered into by distinct States now at war, and his Majesty has given your Lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not quite impracticable before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by punishing those American Governours who have fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing, as far as possible, the mischiefs done us, might recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest share of our growing commerce, with all the advantages of that additional strength to be derived from a friendship with us; yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom to believe she will ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation; her lust of dominion as an ambitious one; and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one, (none of them legitimate causes of war,) will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interest, and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end as the Croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe.

I have not the vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this war; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions—not to be believed till the event shall verify it.

Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble porcelain vase—the British empire; for I knew, that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole, and that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for. Your Lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find these expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent. My consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country, and, among the rest, some share in the regard of Lord Howe.

The well-founded esteem and, permit me to say, affection which I shall always have for your Lordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which (as described in your letter) is "the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels." To me it seems that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded that cool and dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it.

I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe, when you find that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honourable private station.

With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

To the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Howe.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

[Read July 23, 1776, and referred to the Board of War.]

New-York, July 21, 1776.

SIR: I have just time to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 19th. The interesting intelligence of the success of our arms in the Southern Department gives me the highest satisfaction. Permit me to join my joy in the congratulation of Congress upon the event. To-morrow, I will write more fully.

Two o'clock, p. m.—I this moment had report made me, that ten ships were seen in the offing coming in—I suppose part of Admiral Howe's fleet.

I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient,

GO. WASHINGTON.

To John Hancock, Esq., President of Congress.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO SAMUEL TUCKER.

New-York, July 21, 1776.

SIR: As we have the strongest reason to believe the period is just at hand, or will soon be, when we shall have the most pressing occasions for troops successfully to oppose and defeat the formidable army we expect against us, I confess I feel myself not a little concerned for the slow manner in which the levies come in that were required by Congress, and which will be essential to counteract the efforts of our enemies.

Not many more than twelve hundred of the quota to be furnished by your State are yet arrived; and I am apt to conclude that it will be a long time before the whole can be made up by voluntary inlistments. As the succour they are meant to afford, by the delay that may attend that mode of raising them, may be too late, and after an important stroke has been given us, I submit it to your consideration whether it may not be prudent to devise some other way by which they may be raised, and their aid immediately had.

Voluntary inlistments, without doubt, are preferable to any other mode, if they could be effected in time, and what I would wish for. But as there is too much reason to fear they cannot, from the small progress already made, the critical situation of our affairs requires that other means should be used; and in full confidence that nothing will be omitted on the part of your honourable body to forward the quota required of them by Congress, I am, with great respect, your and their most obedient servant,

GO. WASHINGTON.

To Samuel Tucker, Esq.

P. S. Ten sail of ships are just discovered in the offing, below Sandy Hook. What they are I know not, as yet.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO ROBERT TATES AND OTHERS.

Head-Quarters, New-York, July 21, 1776.

GENTLEMEN: Yours of the 18th instant I duly received, and note the contents, and am very sorry to hear the forts in the Highlands are in so defenceless a situation. Through such variety of business, which calls my closest attention, it has been, and still is, impossible for me personally to reconnoitre all the different posts under my command; but was so sensible of the importance of the fortresses in the Highlands, that I ordered Lord Stirling to visit them, which he did early in the summer, and reported to me their situation at that time; and through his representations I continued two gentlemen in Continental pay, who were acting as Engineers, under orders from the authority of this State. I have repeatedly pressed Colonel Clinton to spare no pains to put them on the best footing possible; and, indeed, I had reason to suppose they were in tolerable order to receive the enemy. By the returns there appear to be six thirty-two-pounders, besides some nine, six, four, and three-pounders; and enclosed is a letter for Governour Trumbull, begging him to assist you all in his power. We were so short of Matrosses that I was necessitated to draught six hundred from the different battalions to join the Artillery in this place. The fourteen with Colonel Clinton, are of the old regiment, and experienced; to these he may add, by draughting a sufficient number of stout, active men, from the other corps under his command, and put them immediately to exercising the artillery. It is not in my power to reinforce those gar-