all parties might agree, proceeded in their separate capacity to choose one, who should serve the House alone, and the Council appointed one for themselves. These agents were never admitted as such, at any board or office in England, not being properly appointed, and were therefore useless to all good intents and purposes whatever. This measure was also justly deemed offensive by His Majesty, as introducing unnecessary innovations, and he accordingly, to save a useless expense of money to the Province, instructed his Governour to refuse his consent to the payment of the salaries granted to the agents thus appointed, which he, without doubt, had not only a legal and constitutional right to do, but therein consulted the true interest of the Province, and which ought by no means to be considered as a grievance, as every valuable, just, and lawful purpose may be answered by the former as well as the latter mode of election. With how much reason, then, a complaint is made on this account, it is for you, my fellow-countrymen, to determine, before you adopt any forcible measures for redress. Admitting, indeed, that these things are really illegal and oppressive, every method ought to be tried for relief before you proceed to such desperate extremities; and if you fail of success, you ought even then to consider whether the miseries and calamities necessarily attendant upon and consequent to a forcible opposition to the Parent State, do not far exceed any advantages which you can expect to gain from the fullest satisfaction of your wishes in this unnatural contest. But when you consider that your complaints are for the most part groundless, that you are seduced, deceived, and misled by your worst enemies, under the mask of patriots, you cannot, I think, hesitate immediately to think and judge for yourselves, to exercise that virtue, prudence, and wisdom, which you naturally possess; and now, while it is in your power, secure your happiness and freedom undiminished, lest you be finally compelled to make the greatest sacrifices to maintain even a partial enjoyment of them.

PHILEIRENE.

TO THE PRINTERS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS GAZETTE.

Boston, March 9, 1775.

Please to insert the following Recantation and Confession:—

To err is incident to every human being, but candidly to confess errours when conscious of them, I am apprehenvsie is the property of but few. No man is blame-worthy for natural imperfection, but obstinacy and perverseness, as they are enemies to truth and right, so they are characteristick of a wrong head and a bad heart. I am now about to produce to the world one instance of a candid acknowledgment of having possessed erroneous principles in politicks, and consequently must have been guilty of a wrong conduct in society. In the beginning of our political confusion here in America, I was what you may truly call a Whig, in the modern acceptation of the word. Not that I ever justified or countenanced mobs and riots; I was ever an advocate of harmony, peace, and good order in society. But being so often told, and conceiving it to be the basis of the English Constitution, that no person, properly qualified, should have his money taken from him but by his own consent, or that of his Representative, I conceived it to be unconstitutional even for the Parliament of Great Britain to make any Act which should necessarily and unavoidably affect the properties of the Colonists. I conceived, moreover, that though we were subjects of the King of England, yet we had a Constitution of our own, no ways controllable by the Lords and Commons of Great Britain; and that the Parliament had no more right to legislate for us, than our Legislature here had to legislate for them. (Such was, I now freely confess, my ignorance then of the English Government and Constitution, and the relation between the Colonies and the Parent State, which I now plainly perceive, taken altogether, compose one entire Empire, and the Parliament its supreme legislative head.)

Upon these principles, when the Stamp Act first came over, which, if carried into execution, would necessarily affect our properties, I loudly exclaimed against it, and considered it as a most violent infraction of the English Constitution, and a direct taxing of the Colonies. That Act, so inexpedient and unreasonable in its nature and operation, was never carried into execution, but speedily repealed, though succeeded by another, which we apprehended almost as bad, viz: An Act for imposing duty on Glass, Painters’ Colours, Paper, Tea, &c., articles which, though not absolutely necessary for life, yet so very useful, that we could not well do without them; and besides, the duty was solely for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America, and was introductory to every other species of taxation. The design was very evident in the Stamp Act, therefore the general cry was, among us Whigs, (or patriots, as we called ourselves,) let us by all means oppose it with violence; if we do not, we shall become the most abject slaves to the Parliament of Great Britain. Our opposition was the means of the Stamp Act being repealed, and will produce the same effect as to this, if we show the same temper and resolution. The truth was, the duty was soon taken off from all the articles except Tea, (though I now believe more owing to the influence of our friends at home, than our clamour here.) We then, however, exulted in our patriotism, and considered ourselves as the instruments of saving our Country from impending ruin. We were so elated with success, that we doubted not any Act of Parliament relative to the Colonies would be repealed, if we opposed it with firmness and resolution. Our pride was so elevated, that we could not have patience with those who would not heartily join us in our plan. We considered them as cowardly wretches, or mean, selfish governmental expectants. Our candour and charity did not extend so far as to suppose it possible for them to speak their real sentiments when they differed from us. My conscience now, upon recollection, abundantly tells me how deficient I was at that time, in those amiable qualities.

We were not, however, entirely acquiescent, though we had struck such a noble stroke, and got the duty taken off of every article but one, it was with great reluctance we could suffer it to remain on Tea; but as the Merchants in this Province (who, though their profession is Commerce, are generally the springs which keep in motion the wheels of Government) appeared to be tolerably easy, (some importing Tea directly from England, paying the duty, others illicitly running it from the Dutch, taking their chance of seizure,) the spirit of uneasiness seemed in some measure to subside, and both Whigs and Tories purchased and drank Tea freely in this Province, without particular inquiry whether it paid the duty or not, from the year 1767, to the time the East India Company were permitted by Parliament to send their Tea immediately to America. This, like a spark falling upon gunpowder, immediately set us into a flame again. We considered the Parliament as granting a monopoly to one trading Company, to the detriment of all America. We then thought it our duty once more to rouse ourselves in defence of our injured Country. Though I was very warm in the cause, yet I never advised to the destruction of the Tea, but, in an evil hour, it was all destroyed. The particular circumstances are too well known to need repeating; but it is a thousand pities they could not be buried in eternal oblivion. The action struck me so horridly, as being repugnant to every principle of justice, and a downright piece of piracy, that I could not help exclaiming against it, as being pregnant with the most ruinous consequences to us. I then began to be afraid of the chastisement of an incensed and powerful Nation. I thought it was high time to slop in our career, and seriously consider what we were about, lest we should plunge ourselves into ruin before we were aware of it. But my brother Whigs, having more courage and resolution than I had, perceiving me to begin to waver, exerted themselves to keep up my spirits, and continually exhorted me to stand firm and unshaken. Nothing is wanting, said they, but resolution and unity; desperate diseases require desperate remedies; we have, as it were, passed the Rubicon; the other Colonies will stand by us; our Committees of Correspondence have wisely taken care to secure their principal men; if we do not appear unanimous, we are lost; we must not look back, but forward; we are afraid of nothing but the miscreant Tories, who endeavour to prevent our union; we must keep them down