by continued threats, and now and then a little chastisement; the Printers we have got under our thumbs; they dare not print any thing but what is on the side of liberty; if any one of them does, we are determined he shall lose our custom; and never fear, if we only stand firm in our opposition, we gain our point.

Still further to secure me and keep me steadfast, (for they were sensible I had some influence,) they chose me one in a Committee of Correspondence, &c., and then, I acknowledge, I was for a considerable time wound up to a higher pitch of enthusiasm than ever. We met often; indeed we made it almost our whole business; but our conversation was altogether upon politicks, and always upon the side of liberty, rights, and privileges. Every argument was defensive of liberty, and instead of an opponent, each was an applauder of the other, and a reviler of all Tories; and each, perhaps to inspirit the other, expressed more than was his just and real sentiments. The same thing took place with respect to other Committees, with whom we always kept up a continued intercourse by letters. How often have we expressed ourselves, with a studied zeal and determined resolution, purposely to prevent any flagging of spirit in other Committees, and how often have we received as spirited answers in reply! Thus we went on animating and supporting each other, till the Suffolk Resolves appeared; then, I acknowledge, I was almost as much struck as when the Tea was destroyed, but throughout our circle shouts of applause echoed round the room. I could not help at that time seriously observing, that I was fearful we went too fast; the Continental Congress, which was then sitting, might not justify such very spirited Resolves, and then our cause would be injured, as we must certainly acquiesce in their determinations. Therefore I apprehended it would be most prudent for us to take our hints from them, rather than lead. The reply was, that our Delegates were men of sense, and some of them good speakers; one of them particularly could carry almost any point he was determined upon, therefore they must have great influence in the Congress; and as there was a continued correspondence kept up between the Committee of Boston and the Delegates, there was no doubt but they were apprized of them previously to their publication, and depended upon their being adopted by the Continental Congress. Accordingly they were adopted and approved of, though they do not appear in the pamphlet containing their doings. But still, notwithstanding the authority of the Continental Congress, and the high spirits and assurance of our and other Committees, I could not help, upon serious reflection, when alone, having many compunctions of heart, as it evidently appeared to me that all could not be right. The course seemed to me to lead directly to rebellion, which my soul abhorred, and was never in my intention.

From that time I was determined seriously and impartially to examine for myself, and attend to all that was said on both sides. Our custom ever had been, not to attend, and scarcely to read any thing that was not wrote on the right side of the question, as we called it. The first thing I read with attention was a letter from a Virginian to the Continental Congress, while they were sitting at Philadelphia. That letter I found contained many serious and just observations, sufficient to awaken in any unprejudiced mind alarming apprehensions of the consequences of our hasty conduct. Afterwards I met with the “Friendly Address,” and many other pamphlets wrote on the side of Government, together with some excellent pieces published in Mills and Hicks’s, and Draper’s Papers. These, taken altogether, seem to me fairly to lay open and expose the whole scene of our political errours and iniquities. And what confirms me still more in the justness of their observations, and the conclusiveness of their reasonings is, that they seem unanswerable by the whole Whig party. The weak and futile replies that have been made to some of them do not deserve the name of answers. What I have seen contains little more than scurrility and illiberal abuse; instead of sober reason and candid reply, they spend their shafts in invective and indecent railing. Indeed, from the beginning, notwithstanding my prejudices in favour of their cause, I have been often disgusted at their manner of treating men and measures. It appeared to me it was by no means calculated to persuade or convince serious and rational men. I am now fully convinced, however high I once was, that the cause of the Whigs is not a just one, otherwise they surely must have defended it with a better appearance of reason and plausibility. Another reason which tended not a little to cure me of my whiggish principles, was the crabbed fruits they produced. In contending for liberty, they seem inclinable to engross it all themselves; the prevailing temper and disposition among them seems by no means to be pacifick; they are arbitrary and even tyrannical in the whole tenour of their conduct; they allow not to others who differ from them the same liberty of thinking and acting that they claim themselves, but shamefully abuse them, and treat them with spite, malice, and revenge. The instances of that kind are too numerous and notorious to require a particular detail.

How shockingly extravagant are the late Resolves of the County of Worcester? What a shameful attempt to discourage the liberty of the Press, that glorious palladium of English liberty. Let an honest Whig seriously consider whether such a conduct can flow from good principles, any more than a bad tree can bring forth good fruit. I now seriously advise all my former brethren of the Whig party to follow me in my recantation, rather than to throw out squibs at me in Edes and Gill’s, or Thomas’s Papers. All that I can now do, (and that I shall do,) in the way of atonement for my former whiggish conduct, is to endeavour to proselyte as many as I can; and I find myself happy in being as successful at least in leading people from errour, as I was once in persuading them into it.

A CONVERTED WHIG.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO MR. RIVINGTON, IN NEW-YORK, DATED BOSTON, MARCH 9, 1775.

Last Monday the annual Oration was pronounced in the old South Meeting; there was a very numerous audience. Some gentlemen of the Army placed themselves on the top of the pulpit stairs. In the pulpit were Warren, the orator of the day, Hancock, Adams, Church, &c. &c. I had been informed that the Military were determined not to suffer the least expression that had a tendency to reflect on the King or Royal family to pass with impunity; of course, my attention was directed to their conduct on the critical occasion. The Republican was, I fancy, apprehensive of this, for through the whole oration there was an affectation of loyalty and veneration for the King and the Brunswick line; it was, however, replete with invective, inflammatory expressions, denials of Parliamentary claim, abuse of Ministry, &c., &c. The officers frequently interrupted Warren by laughing loudly at the most ludicrous parts, and coughing and hemming at the most seditious, to the great discontent of the devoted citizens. The oration, however, was finished; and it was aftewards moved by Adams that an orator should be named for the ensuing fifth of March, to commemorate “the bloody and horrid massacre, perpetrated by a party of soldiers under the command of Captain T. Preston.” At this the officers could no longer contain themselves, but exclaimed, fie, shame! and, fie, shame! was echoed by all the Navy and Military in the place; this caused a violent confusion, and in an instant the windows were thrown open, and the affrighted Yankees jumped out by fifties, so that in a few minutes we should have had an empty house; in the meantime, a very genteel, sensible officer, dressed in gold-lace regimentals, with blue lapels, moved with indignation at the insult offered the Army, since Captain Preston had been fairly tried and most honourably acquitted by a Boston Jury, advanced to Hancock and Adams, and spoke his sentiments to them in plain English; the latter told the officer he knew him, and would settle the matter with the General; the man of honour replied, “you and I must settle it first.” At this the demagogue turned pale and waived the discourse. It is said this gallant gentleman’s life is threatened, but I fancy there is little danger. The Town was perfectly quiet all night; no exhibition or ringing of bells; they knew better.

You will soon have in New-York the Asia, a fine sixty-four, commanded by an excellent seaman, son of your old friend Sir George Vandeput.