assembling of the freeholders of this Province in defence of their unalienable rights, a mob. It is such a kind of mob as has more than once preserved the British Constitution from absolute ruin; such a mob as rose in England, in the reign of James the Second, consisting of the body of the people, and the first characters in every literary and honourable department; a mob which the two Universities, the Clergy, and even the Army itself did not hesitate to join, and of which the great Churchill, afterwards John Duke of Marlborough, was a principal ringleader. The difference is, they opposed an arbitrary Monarch, while we are only defending ourselves against the unconstitutional, despotick power of our fellow-subjects—the Lords and Commons of Great Britain. They took the field. We have not yet been reduced, and I hope never shall, to that cruel necessity. May American mobs be crowned with the same success, and all posterity will revere them as the glorious conservators of the rights of mankind.

LUCIUS.

TO GOVERNOUR WENTWORTH.

Portsmouth, New-Hampshire, March 17, 1775.

MUCH DELUDED SIR: As I have no desire to detract from the merit of your former actions, I readily allow, that for many years your prudent conduct gained you the affections of almost all the people in this and the neighbouring Colonies. No map in your station could be more honoured and revered; no person could exert himself more in favour of the Province, or exceed you in promoting the true interest of it. You did not prostitute commissions, but endeavoured to add dignity to your Courts and honour to your Militia. You caused harmony to subsist between the several officers and soldiers throughout the Province; and doubtless felt that satisfaction yourself, which ever results from the consciousness of haying done well. You well know what effects this produced; and with pleasure saw the zeal with which the people espoused and defended your cause against the rage and malice of some who have since become your bosom friends. But, Sir, let me ask you, whether your late conduct has not been totally different? Have you not, without provocation, risen up against your native Country, and done all in your power to enslave it? Have you not used your utmost endeavours to enforce those unconstitutional Acts, against which America has made so violent an opposition? Have you not arbitrarily deprived the people from any share in their own Government for near twelve months, and reduced your people to the sad necessity of being governed by the Crown, or its immediate servants; or of being reduced to a state of anarchy? Have you not devised various methods to divide and weaken the people, that their opposition to Parliamentary measures might be less powerful? Have you not issued your writs for the election of Representatives to Towns where the number of inhabitants were inconsiderable, when compared with others, which you chose to pass by without the least notice? Have you not executed your vengeance on all those who have stood forth to defend the liberties of their Country, upon the members of the late Congress; upon Civil Magistrates and Military Officers? You have. How then cap you expect to rule in the hearts of this people? Can you conceive that they take no notice of these thing? Be not deceived. A few fawning sycophants may endeavour to flatter you; but believe me, Sir, the affections of the people will never be possessed by you in future. They well know that you were the only person who endeavoured to procure workman to build barracks for the enemies of America; they are fully sensible, that the officers who have been foremost in disciplining their men, and fitting them for action; and the men who have been engaged for the preservation of the sacred rights of the people, who have warned the people of their danger and exhorted each to shun it, have been made the objects of your resentment, these men you have dismissed from every civil and military employments. But what is the consequence? You already see that numbers of officer have resigned, nobly refusing to hold commissions when, nothing can secure them but consenting to the ruin of their Country; and you will soon find that the same spirit will discover itself to every part of the Government; and, of course, the militia will be in the same state as that of the Massachusetts, Maryland, &c.

I suppose that in excuse for this conduct, you will say that you were expressly ordered to do this, and could by no means avoid it, and secure your own standing; which perhaps may be the case. But then I must beg leave to observe, that if those orders were from General Gage, and you can by no means secure your standing but by obeying them, you can claim but little merit for any acts you may do in future; as General Gage, with his nod, can direct the publick affairs of this and every other Colony upon the Continent. If it proceeded from the mandates of a Minister, then it is immaterial whether we are governed by Lord North or any other person, as every thing is to be regulated by his arbitrary will and pleasure.

I however incline to think that this is our deplorable situation, that the person who presides over us has little more to do than echo the voice of a despotick Minister, and see that his mandates are obeyed; I must therefore pity the person appointed to preside, and the unhappy people who are called to obey. No situation can be more unhappy; no slavery can be more complete. I think myself acquainted with the natural goodness of your heart, and will venture to affirm, that you would not (if left to your self) make such a wanton use of the prerogative, or deprive the people for such a length of time from baying a share in their own Government. You well know that by the same kind of conduct, the people may be deprived of the inestimable right of representation, whenever and for what-ever length of time an arbitrary Minister may think proper. I shall conclude, by assuring you that I am far from being your enemy; and that I sincerely grieve for you, and a number of others, who I am persuaded must, if they retain their commissions, owe their future greatness to their Country’s ruin.

THE SPECTATOR.

TO D * * * C * * * * *, ESQ.

New-Jersey, March 18, 1775.

DEAR SIR: You expect my sentiments on our publick affairs, and, indeed, I can with freedom unburden my full heart to one whom I esteem a true friend to George the Third, our rightful Sovereign, to the Protestant succession in his family, and to the real interest and greatest good of the whole British Empire. And were such as truly the character of every British subject as it is yours; and every mind properly informed, all our unhappy differences would soon be amicably settled, and every disagreeable commotion and unfriendly passion subside. But a strong party too near the Throne, of a quite opposite character, are opposing the general good of the Nation, to the great danger of the King, the Protestant succession and interest, and even the very existence of the Empire as such.

You need not be told, Sir, the many well known facts on which this great danger is founded. Have not that party invaded the rights of mankind in every part of the Empire? Hath not that invasion stirred up a spirit of jealousy, disaffection, and opposition to those hateful measures, more or less, in almost every City, County, and Colony in the British Dominions? For instance, the noble spirit and manly opposition shewn by the citizens of London, and the electors of Middlesex, when their right of election was trodden under foot by that party, in the case of Wilkes and Luttrell. And the many Petitions and Remonstrances from every quarter, are so many instances of the like kind. Hence it appears that America is not singular in her opposition. He must he ignorant of the present state of our Nation, who is not sensible that there are still millions in Great Britain and Ireland, who are possessed of the same virtuous principles with us; and who have shown, or soon must show themselves on the side of Liberty, Protestantism, and the Constitution. Their eyes are opening. They see more and more, this great truth, that the ruin of the whole Empire is involved in that of America. In short, such is the state of our publick affairs, that should the friends of despotism carry their point a little higher, and begin with the sword to enforce submission to tyranny, the whole Empire would fall into the most dreadful convulsions, and shake to the very centre. Then, when these convulsions, shall have subsided, through the loss of much blood; then (may Heaven prevent it) the Atlantick Ocean, the Irish Sea, and the River Tweed, will probably be what the English Channel is