now—a divider of Kingdoms, or the whole to be swallowed up by Bourbon.

Nor can Stuart himself, whom America abhors, expect more than a part of the Empire. For France and Spain, now grown stronger, will, no doubt, at such a time, do all that in them lies to divide and weaken the British Empire; when the Romish religion in Ireland, the love of Stuart in Scotland, and the lust of gold in England, will forward their design: for what but the love of money could have calculated the present ministerial plan so exactly to suit the meridian of Paris?

Some may imagine that America may be subjugated without any such ill consequences to the European part of the British Dominions, and that the Americans, were the case once to be put, sword in hand, would make but a feeble resistance; because, they say, many in hopes of present profit or future favours, and many through fear of punishment, will join the ministerial party, and thereby so divide as to destroy, in a great measure, every mode of opposition; and that those who still continue their opposition will be so disheartened and unsupported as to fall an easy prey to their enemies. On which let it be remarked, that those who hold and endeavour to propagate such slavish anti-American doctrines, betray in themselves either ignorance, cowardice, or treachery; which are directly opposite to the true character of America in general. The Americans are a sensible, learned, brave, loyal, free, Protestant people. And though there are some who are otherwise, yet they are a diminutive number, so comparatively few, that they never have, and it is to be hoped they never will take the lead in our publick affairs. Those who think England may be safe while in an open rupture with America, do not duly consider their danger from their internal and external enemies—the French, Spaniards, Catholicks, Jacobites, and Tories; of which it is hard to say who are the greatest enemies of the British Constitution, and the Protestant interest. Be that as it may, it has been openly declared in Parliament, that were the banners of rebellion once spread in America, England would be a ruined people. And many of the most sensible Britons have given it as their opinion, that Great Britain and her Colonies must stand or fall together. They are therefore often calling upon us to stand firm and united in our virtuous opposition; adding, that thereby we shall save ourselves and them. This is doubtless true; and it is allowed by friends and foes, that out danger principally, if not wholly lies in our being divided among ourselves. What punishment, therefore, is adequate to their guilt, who use every vile artifice to deceive and divide us, and thereby ruin the whole Empire? And yet, these same traitorous vermin would cloak all their foul conduct under the specious pretence of loyalty, and curse the honest Whigs for traitors; whose loyalty, in fact, is the very thing that vexes them. Would it then be any wonder, if under such provocations, the friends of the Constitution should, in some instances, through their zeal for the publick good, go beyond the line of duty.

The Americans are, of all His Majesty’s subjects, the greatest admirers of the British Constitution; because they esteem it the grand charter of their liberties, civil and religious, which they love as they do their lives; and their loyalty to the present reigning family is as pre-eminent as their love of liberty, and always has been; because they esteem that family as the proper guardians of the Constitution on which alone their throne is built, and under the protection of which we hold our liberties. In this view of things, no wonder if we should esteem those traitors to the King who are using their utmost efforts to undermine his throne by destroying its basis—the Contitution. Hence loyalty itself justifies us in opposing such men and such measures.

This view justifies all the military preparations now making in America. The stronger we are in these, the safer is the Empire. We mean to act only on the defensive. We ought by no means to strike the first blow, nor to provoke those who would. This is certainly a great point to carry against those who call us Rebels, and would make us so if they could. I know you will strictly adhere to the wise directions of our loyal Congress, according to which, while you encourage the doubtful and instruct the ignorant, you will punish the guilty, and thereby greatly oblige your humble friend,

ESSEX.

DR. FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Craven-Street, London, March 19, 1775.

DEAR SIR: I leave directions with Mrs. Stephenson to deliver you all the Massachusetts papers, when you please to call for them. I am sorry that the hurry of preparing for my voyage, and the many hinderances I have met with, prevented my meeting with you and Mr. Bollan, and conversing a little more on our affairs before my departure. I wish to both of you health and happiness, and shall be glad to hear from you by every opportunity.

I shall let you know how I find things in America. I may possibly return again in the autumn, but you will, if you think fit, continue henceforth the Agent for Massachusetts, an office which I cannot again undertake. I wish you all happiness, and am ever yours, affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

Charlestown, South-Carolina, March 20, 1775.

Last Tuesday, March 14th, Mr. Robert Smyth, Merchant, Master Smyth, his son, and Master Ward, son of John Ward, Esquire, returned here, from London, in the Snow Proteus, Captain Papley, having touched at Falmouth and St. Christopher’s by the way.

The said vessel having on board, (besides seven cases of merchandise, said to be Globes and Mathematical Instruments, consigned to Mr. Robert Wells, one hogshead, one puncheon, seven casks, thirteen cases, five crates, and one bottle, said to contain Drugs and Medicines, consigned to Mr. Edward Gunter,) two puncheons, one box, one tierce, forty bundles, nine cases, and seven hampers, said to contain Household Furniture, and two Horses, belonging to Mr. Smyth, all which he declared were brought out by him on the supposition that it was not meant by the Continental Association to prohibit the importation of such articles, and had been in use in his family in England. The Committee of Observation requested the sense of the General Committee respecting said Horses and Furniture. This matter accordingly came under the consideration of the General Committee on Wednesday evening, thirty-three members present; when, after a long debate whether the landing the said Horses and Furniture might not be construed a violation of the Association, there appeared to be an equal number for and against that opinion. And the question being put, whether Mr. Smyth’s Horses, under the circumstances they had been represented, might be landed, it was carried in the affirmative by the Chairman’s casting vote. It was at the same time resolved, without ’a division upon the question, that such part of Mr. Smyth’s Furniture as, upon inspection by the Committee of Observation, should appear to them to have been in use in his family, (but no other,) might also be landed.

The next morning a great number of the inhabitants appeared extremely uneasy, lest, from the admission of the Horses, it should be suggested that there was an inclination in this Colony to depart, from the Association; they feared that the conduct of the people, which had always been consistent, and who continued remarkably strict in their adherence to the Resolves and recommendations of the Congress, might, in this instance, be misrepresented abroad. Their zeal for the reputation of their Country threw them into great agitation; none meant the least reflection on the conduct of their Committee, but all wished that the Horses might not be landed; yet they were then at a loss what measure might be most proper to pursue. On Friday morning, however, a Petition was agreed on, and, after having two hundred and fifty-six names subscribed thereto, presented to the Chairman of the General Committee, in the following words:

“We, a number of the inhabitants of Charlestown, conceive that our liberties at this time depend on our unanimity and confidence in our Committee, who, we doubt not, in all things will act according to the best of their judgment for the publick good. But your Petitioners are informed that, by a vote carried by a very small majority, divers Horses and Furniture are permitted to be landed, which many persons, who have the liberty of America much at heart, think an infringement of the Association entered into by the General Congress. In order, therefore, to quiet the minds of the people, we pray that there may be a reconsideration of the said matter in a full Committee.”