benefits they have received from the Parent State as not to acknowledge that it is to her support, held forth at the expense of her blood and treasure, that they principally owe that security which hath raised them to their present state of opulence and importance. In this situation, therefore, justice requires that they should, in return, contribute according to their respective abilities to the common defence; and their own welfare and interest demand that civil establishment should be supported with becoming dignity.

It has been the care, and it is the firm determination of Parliament to see that both these ends are answered, and their wisdom and moderation have suggested the propriety of leaving to each Colony to judge of the ways and means of making due provision for these purposes, reserving to themselves a discretionary power of approving or disapproving what shall be offered.

The Resolution neither points out what the civil establishment should be, nor demands any specifick sum in aid of the publick burdens. In both these respects it leaves full scope for that justice and liberality which may be expected from Colonies that, under all their prejudices, have never been wanting in expressions of an affectionate attachment to the mother Country, and a zealous regard for the general welfare of the British Empire; and therefore the King trusts that the provision they will engage to make for the support of civil government, will be adequate to the rank and station of every necessary officer, and that the sum to be given in contribution to the common defence will be offered on such terms, and proposed in such a way, as to increase or diminish according as the publick burdens of Great Britain are from time to time augmented or reduced, in so far as these burdens consist of taxes and duties which are not a security for the National Debt.

By such a mode of contribution, the Colonies will have full security that they can never be required to tax themselves, without Parliament’s taxing the subjects in Great Britain in a far greater proportion; and it may be relied upon, that any proposition of this nature, made by any of the Colonies, and accompanied with such a state of their faculties and ability, as may evince the equity of the proposal, will be received with every possible indulgence; provided it be at the same time unaccompanied with any declarations, and unmixed with any claims which will make it impossible for the King, consistently with his own dignity, or for Parliament, consistently with their constitutional rights, to receive it. But it is not supposed that any of the Colonies will, after this example of the temper and moderation of Parliament, adopt such a conduct. On the contrary, the pleasing hope is cherished that the publick peace will be restored, and that the Colonies will enter into the consideration of the Resolution of the House of Commons with that calmness and deliberation which the importance of it demands, and with that good will and inclination to a reconciliation, which are due to the candour and justice with which Parliament has taken up this business, and at once declared to the Colonies what will be ultimately expected from them.

It has been already observed that the King entirely approves the Resolution of the House of Commons, and I have His Majesty’s commands to say, that a compliance therewith by the General Assembly will be most graciously considered by His Majesty, not only as a testimony of their reverence for Parliament, but also as a mark of their duty and attachment to their Sovereign, who has no object nearer to his heart than the peace and prosperity of his subjects in every part of his Dominions. At the same time I must tell you His Majesty considers himself as bound, by every tie, to exert those means the Constitution has placed in his hands for preserving that Constitution entire, and to resist, with firmness, every attempt to violate the rights of Parliament, to distress and obstruct the lawful commerce of his subjects, or to encourage in the Colonies ideas of independence inconsistent with their connexion with Great Britain.

Here, gentlemen, you have a full and candid state of the disposition and expectations of His Majesty and the Parliament. They require nothing of America but what the Colonies have repeatedly professed themselves ready and willing to perform. A late Assembly of this Province, in their Petition to the King in 1766, express themselves thus: “As no danger can approach Britain without giving us the most sensible alarm, so your Majesty may be assured, that with filial duty we shall ever be ready to afford all the assistance in our power, and stand or fall with that Kingdom from which we boast our descent, and to which we are attached by the strongest ties of duty, gratitude and affection.” And in a subsequent Petition they say: “Very far it is from our intentions to deny our subordination to that august body, (the Parliament,) or our dependance on the Kingdom of Great Britain. In these connexions, and in the settlement of our liberties under the auspicious influence of your Royal House, we know our happiness consists; and, therefore, to confirm those connexions, and to strengthen this settlement, is at once our interest, duty, and delight.”

Similar declarations have been repeatedly made in other Colonies. The following vote was passed in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, to wit: “The House, taking into consideration the many taxes their fellow-subjects in Great Britain are obliged to pay towards supporting the dignity of the Crown, and defraying the necessary and contingent charges of the Government, and willing to demonstrate the fidelity, loyalty, and affection of the inhabitants of this Province to our gracious Sovereign, by bearing a share of the burden of our fellow-subjects, proportionable to our circumstances, do, therefore, cheerfully and unanimously resolve that three thousand Pounds be paid for the use of the King, his heirs and successors, to be applied to such uses as he in his royal wisdom shall think fit to direct and appoint.” And the said three thousand Pounds was afterwards paid into His Majesty’s Exchequer by the Agent of the Province accordingly.

Nor can I avoid mentioning what was done in the Convention of Committees from every County in Pennsylvania, who met in July last for the express purpose of giving instructions to their Representatives in Assembly on this very subject. Several of these instructions manifest such a candour and liberality of sentiment, such just ideas of the importance of our connexion with Great Britain, and point out so rational a method to be pursued for obtaining a redress for the supposed grievances, (previous to any attempts to distress the trade of that Kingdom,) that it is greatly to be regretted that the conduct of America, in a matter of such vast importance to its future welfare, had not been regulated by the principles and advice they suggested. In those instructions, speaking of the powers Parliament had claimed and lately exercised, the Convention say: “We are thoroughly convinced they will prove unfailing and plentiful sources of dissensions to our mother Country and these Colonies, unless some expedients can be adopted to render her secure of receiving from us every emolument that can, in justice and reason, be expected; and us secure in our lives, properties, and an equitable share of commerce. Mournfully revolving in our minds the calamities that, arising from these dissensions, will most probably fall on us and our children, we will now lay before you the particular points we request of you to procure, if possible, to be finally decided, and the measures that appear to us most likely to produce such a desirable period of our distresses and dangers.” Then, after enumerating the particular Acts of Parliament, which they consider as grievances, and desire to have repealed, they add: “In case of obtaining these terms, it is our opinion that it will be reasonable for the Colonies to engage their obedience to the Acts of Parliament, commonly called the Acts of Navigation, and to every other Act of Parliament declared to have force at this time in these Colonies, other than those above mentioned, and to confirm such Statutes by Acts of the several Assemblies. It is also our opinion that, taking example from our mother Country in abolishing the Courts of Wards and Liveries, tenures in capite, and by Knights’ service and purveyance, it will be reasonable for the Colonies, in case of obtaining the terms before mentioned, to settle a certain annual revenue on His Majesty, his heirs and successors, subject to the control of Parliament, and to satisfy all damages done to the East-India Company. This our idea of settling a revenue, arises from a sense of duty to our Sovereign, and of esteem for our mother Country. We know and have felt the benefits of a subordinate connexion with her. We neither are so stupid as to be ignorant of them, nor so unjust as to deny them. We have also experienced the pleasures of gratitude and love, as well as