advantages from that connexion. The impressions are not erased. We consider her circumstance’s with tender concern. We have not been wanting, when constitutionally called upon, to assist her to the utmost of our abilities, insomuch that she has judged it reasonable to make us recompenses for our over-strained exertions: and we now think we ought to contribute more than we do to the alleviation of her burdens. Whatever may be said of these proposals on either side of the Atlantick, this is not a time either for timidity or rashness. We perfectly know that the, great cause now agitated is to be conducted to a happy conclusion only by that well-tempered composition of counsels which firmness, prudence, loyalty to our Sovereign, respect to our Parent State, and affection to our native Country, united, must form.” “In case of war, or in any emergency of distress, we shall also be ready and willing to contribute all aids within our power. And we solemnly declare, that on such occasions, if we, or our posterity, shall refuse, neglect, or decline thus to contribute, it will be a mean and manifest violation of a plain duty, and a weak and wicked desertion of the true interests of this Province, which ever have been, and must be, bound up in the prosperity of our Mother Country. Our union, founded on mutual compacts and mutual benefits, will be indissoluble; at least more firm than an union perpetually disturbed by disputed rights and retorted injuries.” I could quote several more passages from these instructions, which are expressive of the same honest and generous sentiments with regard to Great Britain, but I shall only make one more extract, and that respecting the mode which they recommended to be pursued for the redress of grievances, viz: “But other considerations have weight with us. We wish every mark of respect to be paid to His Majesty’s administration. We have been taught, from our youth, to entertain tender and brotherly affections for our fellow-subjects at home. The interruption of our commerce must greatly distress great numbers of them. This we earnestly desire to avoid. We therefore request that the Deputies you shall appoint may be instructed to exert themselves at the Congress, to induce the Members of it to consent to make a full and precise state of grievances, and a decent, yet firm claim of redress, and to await the event before any other step is taken. It is our opinion that persons should be appointed and sent home to present this state and claim at the Court of Great Britain.” After mentioning their confidence in the intended General Congress, and their resolution to abide their determinations for the sake of unanimity, they declare that it is “with a strong hope and trust that they will not draw this Province into any measure judged by us, who must be better acquainted with its state than strangers, highly inexpedient. Of this kind, we know any other stoppage of trade, but of that with Great Britain, will be. Even this step we should be extremely afflicted to see taken by the Congress, before the other mode, above pointed out, is tried.”

Happy would it have been at this day, in all probability, if some such healing measure had been pursued. Some plan of union, or proposal of “a mutual compact” for “mutual benefit,” was the grand object which every honest man in the Colonies had at heart. An imperfect one (if not too glaringly so) was better than none, as it would, if it had answered no other purpose, have laid a foundation for negotiation and treaty. It has been lately observed in Parliament, “That it does not appear the Colonies were seriously inclined to come into any reasonable terms of accommodation, as no body was authorized to make any proposals to that effect.”

However, it can be of little avail now to animadvert on past transactions. Who has been most in the right or most in the wrong, can never be satisfactorily decided. Many things will ever happen in the course of a long continued dispute, which good men of both parties must reflect on with pain, and wish to have buried in oblivion. In the present situation of affairs we should only look forward, and endeavour to fall on some expedient that may avert the impending danger. To effect this desirable purpose, a plan is now formed and recommended to you by His Majesty, containing terms greatly corresponding with the avowed, sentiments of many of the Colonies, and which, I think, can only want to be rightly Understood in order to be generally adopted. It does not require from the people of this Country any formal acknowledgment of the right of taxation in the Parliament. It waives all dispute on that head, and suspends the exercise of it forever, if so long the Colonies shall perform their part of the contract. It does not even require as a preliminary that the Non-Importation and Non-Exportation Agreements shall be abolished. It comes before you in the old accustomed manner, by way of requisition, being approved and adopted by the King, who has directed his several Governours to signify to the respective Assemblies his desire that they should grant such aids for the common defence, and the support of Government within the Colonies, as shall appear to them just and equitable, and proportionate to their abilities. His Majesty and the Parliament,’tis true, are to judge whether the aids which each Colony may offer are worth acceptance, or adequate to their respective abilities, as they did during the course of the last war, very much to the satisfaction of those Colonies who exerted themselves; often making them a compensation “according as their active vigour and strenuous efforts respectively appeared to merit.” The necessity of some such supreme judge is evident from the very nature of the case, as otherwise some Colonies might not contribute their due proportion. During the last war I well remember it was ardently wished by some of the Colonies that others who were thought to be delinquent might be compelled, by Act of Parliament, to bear an equal share of the publick burdens. It appears, by the minutes of Assembly, in March and April, 1758, that some of the neighbouring Colonies thought New-Jersey had not, at that time, contributed its due share towards the expenses of the war, and that President Reading (the then Commander-in-Chief of the Colony) was of the same opinion. And since my administration, when the Assembly, in 1764, was called upon to make provision for raising some Troops on account of the Indian war, they declined doing it for some time but “on condition a majority of the Eastern Colonies, as far as to include Massachusetts-Bay, should come into His Majesty’s requisition on the occasion;” But as none of the Assemblies of the New-England Governments thought themselves nearly concerned, nothing was granted by them, and the whole burden of the expeditions then carried on fell upon Great Britain and three or four of the middle Colonies; with which this Colony was dissatisfied, and the Assembly complained of it in one of their Addresses to me on the occasion. But what fully evinces that there is no design of oppression or extortion in the proposed reservation in His Majesty and his Parliament of the right of approving the aids which may be offered by the Colonies, is His Majesty’s gracious assurance that the propositions on this head will be received with every possible indulgence. The moneys raised by the several Colonies as their proportion to the common defence, is made subject to the disposal of Parliament, as in justice it ought, as they furnish the whole sum which may be wanted for that necessary purpose, according to the estimates annually laid before them by the Crown, besides making provision for the civil list and National Debt, towards which the Colonies are not asked to contribute. The Army and Navy establishment, it is well known, is necessarily increased since the extension of the British Dominions in America. The whole American civil and military establishment, as paid by Great Britain, after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, was, it is said, only £70,000 sterling; but since the last peace, it amounts to upwards of £350,000. As this great additional expense was chiefly incurred on an American account, it cannot but be reasonable that America should pay some part of it. To remove every objection that other taxes may be raised upon America, under the colour of regulations on commerce, the produce of all such duties is to be carried to the account of that Province where it is to be levied.

We have now, thank Heaven, a. happy opportunity of getting entirely rid of this unnatural contest, by only complying with what I think has been fully proved and acknowledged to be our indispensable duty. Wherever a people enjoy protection, and the other common benefits of the State, nothing can be more reasonable than that they should bear their share of the common burden.

It is much to be lamented that there is so much truth in the observation, that mankind generally act, not according to right, but according to the present interest, and most according to present passion. In the present case there are no difficulties but what may be easily surmounted, if men