me leave to relate the substance of a conversation a friend of mine had with Lord North a few days ago.

His Lordship asked him what effect he thought his motion would have, when it came to be considered by the Congress? He told him he did not think it would have any; it was not calculated for them; it seemed rather designed for the different Assemblies, with a view, as he apprehended, of disjoining—the reverse of uniting them under one general head as in Congress. His Lordship disclaimed the idea of their having any intention to divide. He said he had no objection to their meeting in Congress; they had a right to meet together, and to consult, if they chose it, and it was impossible to prevent it. What he wished was, that they would take it under consideration, and recommend such things to the different Assemblies as might be attended with conciliatory effects. My Lord, says the gentleman, I cannot see that the motion itself contains, any matter that can serve as a ground-work to go upon. It is no act of the Legislature; it contains no promise; it is not even the promise of a Minister, who today is, and to-morrow may be succeeded by one who may not think himself at all bound by the promise of his predecessor; it is not even a resolution of the House of Commons; it is no more than an opinion of a Committee of that House upon a future contingency; and your Lordship will pardon me when I observe, that the people of that Country have learnt to entertain such an idea of the disposition of the servants of the Crown to encroach upon the liberties of the subject—your Lordship will excuse me; I do pot mean your Lordship in particular—but they dare not trust them. He declared he never entertained an idea of subduing America, properly speaking; if he had, he said, he should have sent a much greater force. What was sent was only what was thought sufficient to protect the friends of Government. But if the Colonies are determined to go on, let them. Let them apply to France or Spain; (these he seemed to think the only Powers who would afford them any protection;) let them see if they will treat them any better than we have done. We have it still in our power to distress their trade, which we most assuredly will do till they have made ample compensation for the expense and loss we have sustained on their account.

It would be easy to make a number of observations on the above discourse, the wheedling, cajoling, contemptible nature of which I think must strike you in the first instance. His Lordship dined yesterday, according to annual custom, with the West-India merchants, upon which occasions he generally affects to be joyous, but it was remarked that he was unusually dull. Lord Dartmouth the other day, with seeming great satisfaction, told a gentleman that there was a report in town that the Congress had taken Lord North’s motion under consideration, which he hoped was true; but upon the gentleman’s assuring him that the Assembly of Pennsylvania were actually voting money as their quota towards paying an American Army, which might be considered as a prelude to all the other Provinces doing the same, he seemed not a little disconcerted.

SOUTH-CAROLINA DELEGATES IN THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, TO THE SECRET COMMITTEE, CHARLESTOWN.

Philadelphia, July 1, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: By (directions of the Continental Congress, have sent the vessel by which this goes, to procure from you a quantity of gunpowder for the use of the armies actually in the field for the service of America. The frequent severe skirmishes in the neighbourhood of Boston, have so exhausted their magazines, that an immediate supply is absolutely necessary. We entreat you to purchase all that can be bought in Town, and to despatch this vessel with it Tor this place, as soon as possible, together with as much as can be spared out of the publick stock, without danger to your own safety. Should there be any damaged powder on hand, please send it also, as it may be recovered here.

By one of the resolutions enclosed to the General Committee, you will see that it is recommended to the Southern Colonies all the saltpetre that can be got, as well from the stores as from private persons, which, as you have no poivder-mllls erected, or persons skilful in making gunpowder, we would advise may be sent to be manufactured here. Should you be able to send more than four thousand weight of powder, we would wish the overplus might be sent by some other opportunity.

In order to prevent suspicion, we have sent . . . . . bushels of Indian corn in this vessel, which may be exchanged for rice, in which the casks of powder may be concealed so, perhaps, as to prevent suspicion, should she unhappily be unable to avoid being overtaken by a cruiser. The utmost secrecy and despatch are absolutely necessary.

As large quantities of powder will be wanted, we strongly recommend that you continue to import all that you can, and think it probable that large quantities might be got from the Government of the Havana, as we can find no application there from any of these Colonies.

We are, gentlemen, your most obedient servants,

To Wm. Henry Drayton, Arthur Middleton, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Esquires, Members of the Secret Committee at Charlestown.

Address delivered to the Inhabitants of a County in VIRGINIA, assembled for the purpose of choosing Deputies to represent them in Colony Convention.

Friends and Countrymen:

It is impossible that any People impressed with the least sense of constitutional liberty, should ever patiently submit to the enormous grievances under which we have already, in some respects, fallen, and with which we are likely to be much more oppressed; and accordingly we find our brethren and fellow-subjects in all the Colonies are pursuing such measures as are Thought to be most likely to recover and secure our lost rights and privileges. Shall the people of this Colony, heretofore active, particularly in the time of the detestable Stamp Act, to oppose all attempts to deprive them of their personal security and private property, be now inactive and silent? Forbid it liberty Humanity forbid it!

The several acts of Parliament made for ten years last past, relating to the British Colonies in North America, and their operation upon the property, liberty, and lives of the people in this country, and America in general, are too well known to many of you to require any enumeration or explanation; but many of you also have not the knowledge of these things, and are therefore ignorant of the danger in which you stand. To inform you of your unhappy situation, and to open your minds to a just sense of the dangers which threaten you, is, principally, the design of this address.

From the first settlement of the Colonies till about the year 1763, we had but little reason to complain of the injustice of our fellow-subjects in Great Britain. There were two or three instances, indeed, in which the Colonies were oppressed, under the notion, or right to regulate our trade, and make us serviceable in commerce to Great Britain. Amongst these was an act of Parliament declaring that we should not erect any slitting-mills for the purpose of making nails in these Colonies; and we were forbidden to manufacture hats, to be sold amongst ourselves, under severe penalties. At that time, my friends, we only complained of the hardship and injustice of such an act; and, wanting the protection of Britain, looking upon our fellow-subjects there as friends and allies, we did not erect any more slitting-mills for making nails; and hats were manufactured only by a few individuals, to a very small extent, and sold within the respective Colonies. Thus did they attempt to restrain our manufactures in the only instances wherein they thought us at that time likely to succeed to the injury of the British manufacturer, intending thereby to compel us, through necessity, to apply to them for even the necessaries of life, and to pay them, by our labour, the prices they might think proper to lay on them.

Another instance of oppression was that of establishing a Post-Office in these Colonies, and thereby seizing, in effect, the private property of individuals here who had engaged in that business. By that act, all letters coming from Great Britain, or otherwise circulating through these Colonies, are liable to be seized by the Postmaster appointed