pointed to that office, and subjected to a tax to be paid before the delivery of them; and part of the money arising from this tax is applied towards the support of the office, and the balance sent to Britain to be disposed of by Government there.

Although the effects of that act are not universally felt amongst you, yet it is an instance of oppression which all are more or less subject to who are concerned in trade, or have any intercourse with men at a distance from them. And I mention this to show you, that if you are not oppressed by this law, it is because your circumstances in life are such that you have but little to do with letters, and the officers are not generally so strict in the performance of their duty as the law requires them to be. But surely, my friends, you cannot but be sensible, that if, as in this instance, the British Parliament have a right to make a law to seize your effects, and keep them from you until you pay a tax to redeem them, you must be in a wretched condition whenever Parliament shall think it proper to extend this authority to things which may more essentially and more immediately affect all ranks and degrees of people in these Colonies. That act has hitherto been suffered to be executed, because the people who are most affected by it are traders in some respects, and often receive an advantage in having speedy and regular intelligence from their various correspondents in different parts of the world; and they were unwilling to differ with their fellow-subjects in Britain concerning a thing which seemed to be intended for the benefit of both. The great inconvenience, therefore, of that act, is principally this, that it has taken out of the hands of people in these Colonies a business they were engaged in, and which might be carried on with the same advantages to commerce, whilst the money arising from that tax would be the property of people here, and not be applied to the purposes of Government in Britain; and farther, that it is declaratory in its consequences, of a right to take our property from us whenever the people of Britain shall be inclined to do so.

And let us, my fellow-subjects, consider the consequences which followed our submission to those acts, even in the manner above-mentioned. Not satisfied with the advantages they received from their trade with the American Colonies—a trade so circumscribed, that it was morally impossible for us to procure more than the mere necessaries of life by the produce of our labour exported to Britain—they no sooner found us in a condition to export a large proportion of grain and other commodities, not requisite for the British markets, to foreign countries, (which, if permitted, might be of advantage to Britain, by enabling us to pay for, and consequently to consume more of their manufactures,) than they indulged us with the liberty of carrying our grain, and some other articles, to particular markets, but with this restriction, that we should not import such goods as were to be had from Britain, and that we should carry whatever articles they did permit us to receive, into Britain first, and pay a duty there. However, as this regulation amounted almost to a prohibition of such articles, and they were likely not to receive such advantages as they at first expected, we were at length allowed to bring them immediately into these Colonies, on paying to the officers of the Customs here a very high duty, to be disposed of by Government in Britain; hence proceed the duties we pay at this day on wines, coffee, molasses, &c., &c.; all which duties are not applied to the support of Government in these Colonies, but increase the revenue of Great Britain, and enable them to maintain standing armies in America, to secure the execution of their laws, under the denomination of guards and garrisons to protect us and our property.

Another instance of oppression is the extending the jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty, with pains and penalties heretofore unknown. In this Court we are deprived of our trial by jury, and must submit to the decision of a dependant party judge, whose emoluments of office arise from his condemnations; and although we may be released from the prosecution, we must still suffer the injury and oppression brought upon us by the iniquitous prosecutor, who is exempted from the damages we sustain by means of an unjust prosecution.

The suspending the legislative power of New-York, until their House of Burgesses rescinded or blotted out a vote they had passed declaring their right to the same freedom which the people of Great Britain enjoy, and complied with an arbitrary requisition to provide for troops, is another capital instance of the tyrannical disposition of the British Parliament towards America.

All these things and many more have we known, to convince us that the British Parliament have not viewed us with the eye of brotherly love and affection, but with a determination to make us subservient to our fellow-subjects in Britain, in all cases whatever, and our condition as wretched as that of slaves.

The detestable Stamp Act furnishes us with another memorable proof of the injustice and tyranny they had prepared for us; and I thank the God of heaven and earth, who permits the wicked sometimes to provide torments for themselves, that of his gracious mercy to us he suffered that act to be passed, which opened our eyes, and made us behold the slavery intended for three millions of people. Let us return thanks to Him, my countrymen, for his great mercy; and let us look up to Him for protection in the day of our distress.

The consequences that would have attended a submission to that act, you are better acquainted with than with those which have arisen from all the other acts I have mentioned. The reason is plain. You were told by Parliament that you must pay a tax on every instrument of writing used in these Colonies; that you must pay a tax on painters’ colours, oil, glass, and paper, which you were obliged to import from Great Britain. This was a doctrine none of us could misunderstand. By this all were affected, and so sensibly too, that it was like drawing the vital blood from our veins. By that act our money was demanded, and we were reduced to the necessity of paying or resisting. We resisted. The happy effects of our opposition you cannot have forgotten, and our method of resistance must still be fresh in your memories. We shut up our Courts; we associated; we refused to buy their goods: they took off the taxes. Were the Parliament actuated in this respect by principles of justice and regard to us? No, my countrymen, they were not. They saw the impropriety of their conduct, not in having taxed us, but in the mode of taxing us. They perceived their inability at that time to enforce submission to a law against which they had not expected any opposition. They had attacked all ranks and degrees of men in these Colonies, and had met with a sudden, unexpected, and violent opposition. The clamours of their merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers, contributed also to the repeal of those duties, as they were immediately affected by the opposition. But let us examine this repeal a little farther. Did they take off all the duties upon British merchandise imported into these Colonies? Did they relinquish the right of taxing us? No. We find that they reserved a duty on the article of tea, trifling indeed as to the sum, but fatal in its consequences to our liberty and property. We find at this time, also, they passed another act declaring their right to tax us; to regulate our trade; to prevent our manufacturing, or, in their own words, “to bind us in all cases whatsoever.” What! shall we then receive our laws from people at three thousand miles distance from us, ignorant of our situation and circumstances in life, and not bound by the same laws? Shall we, like poor, abject slaves, tamely give up our liberty, which our forefathers handed down to us, and suffer our property to be taken from us at the will and direction of a British Parliament? Shall we subject ourselves and our posterity to be driven by our masters to such employments as they shall allot for us? To have our looms, our spinning-wheels destroyed, whenever they shall think we manufacture too much cloth? I wait your answer. But methinks I see the blood of true Britons swelling your veins, and hear you cry, with one voice, we will be free.

Let us consider, then, my countrymen, what it is we are to do. You are told that the present dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies, is concerning the duty on tea. It is so. Perhaps some of you may now tell me it is a dispute with which you have nothing to do, as you do not make use of that commodity, and the duty cannot affect you. But you will go farther, perhaps, and tell me that the high-minded gentlemen are the occasion of the present confusion, and are bringing you into difficulties to support their extravagance and ambition. Let me entreat