you, my fellow-subjects, to reflect a moment on your situation. Is it possible you can be so blind to your real interests as not to perceive the oppression daily coming upon you from Britain ? Can you suppose the gentlemen of all America would be so mad as to risk their lives and fortunes merely to save the trifling duty of three pence per pound on tea? Are not the gentlemen made of the same materials as the lowest and poorest amongst you? And do you suppose they cannot, they would not refrain from the use of that article, if that would procure the safety of these Colonies? Have you found, in the course of your observations, that the gentlemen (as they are styled) are so very frugal and saving of their money, as to bring themselves into the smallest difficulty for so small an advantage? No, my countrymen, you have not. Deceive not yourselves, then, nor let others deceive you. Listen to no doctrines which may tend to divide us, but let us go hand in hand as brothers, as fellow-sufferers in the same cause, firmly united to defend our rights and liberty, and to preserve freedom to our posterity. Fortunes we may not leave them, but we shall be despicable indeed, if we tamely suffer them to become slaves.

But let us reflect again on the nature of this dispute. The British Parliament, when they repealed the Stamp Act, did not give up the right of taxing us; they reserved the duty on tea, and declared by an act that they had a right to bind us “in all cases whatsoever.” The plain meaning of this declaration is, that we must either submit to such impositions as they may hereafter think proper to burden us with, or they will not suffer us to make use of our property. In this situation we have been unmindful of the necessary means of defence, whilst they have been preparing to execute their laws upon us.

Having reserved the duty on tea, the consumption of that article has been lessened near two-thirds, to the great injury of the East-India Company of Merchants in Great Britain. As Parliament had been the cause of this injury, the Minister was determined not only to redress them, but at the same time to carry the favourite plan of taxing America into execution. An advantage is then offered to the East-India Company, which by law they had not been entitled to, of sending their tea immediately to America. This measure being adopted by them, the Minister vainly hoped to find us submitting openly to this tax; as, notwithstanding the duty, we should receive the tea, on cheaper terms. If this measure should not succeed, he was then prepared to carry the declaration of Parliament into force, and procure such other oppressive laws to be made, as might lay us in the deepest distress, and compel us to submit.

In this manner, my countrymen, were the distresses of the people of Boston brought upon them. The East-India Company sent ships loaded with tea to different parts of America. They sent tea to Boston. In all other parts they suffered it to be landed and stored, or it was agreed to carry it back to Britain. At Boston they refused to carry it back, and the people would not suffer it to be landed, well knowing that if it was, the duty would be paid by the Company’s agents, and the tea sold, if not in New-England, to the other Colonies in America. They remonstrated against the landing of the tea; they waited many days patiently for a satisfactory determination; the officers of the Customs refused to suffer the ship to return; the men-of-war determined it should not pass; and by these circumstances were they reduced to the necessity of throwing the tea into the water, as they attempted to land it.

Although the law of nature and self-defence in all such cases, does justify their conduct, yet the dispute is not now about the price of the tea, but the duly on that tea. It is not the sum of ten thousand Pounds, which was the value of the tea, that the people of Boston and all North America are contending with Britain for, but it is our right to freedom to dispose of our property when we have acquired it. If paying for the tea was the condition on which our rights should be restored, and on which our property might remain secure, all America would not engage in this dispute. But this is not the case. Parliament will not be satisfied with that, but have determined that we shall submit to their laws and to their taxes.

And let us now inquire what methods they have taken to oblige us to submit. Punishments should always be proportioned to crimes, and where the laws direct the punishment, no power can go beyond it. This is the security we boast of under our free constitution of Government; and it is our invaluable privilege to make these laws. The power that deprives us of this privilege makes us slaves. What, then, is the conduct of Parliament towards us? They will not be satisfied with payment for the tea, but farther insist that we shall submit to whatever laws they make. To compel us to do this they dissolve our Assemblies; suspend our Legislatures; block up the Town of Boston; deprive upwards of thirty thousand inhabitants of the means of subsistence; seize their wharves, &c., to the amount of two hundred thousand Pounds, which, by the act, are never to be restored to them, although they should submit to all that is required by that law. They have altered the Charter of Massachusetts-Bay, which is an agreement between the people of that Province and the King, in writing, under his seal; and have passed an act empowering the Governour to seize the persons of such as do not conform to all things required by their laws, and to send them where he shall think proper, (even to Britain,) to be tried for their supposed offences, where, destitute of friends and money, they will fall unhappy victims to the avarice of corrupted judges, and the rapaciousness of merciless tyrants. Many more things of like tendency are they now preparing for all North America.

To you, then, my countrymen, to all of us, does it belong to take such measures as shall prevent their wicked designs, and secure our lives, our liberty, and property. On the virtue and courage of the people of these Colonies does it depend whether we shall be happy or miserable in this world, and enjoy in peace and quietness the fruits of our labour. Your Representatives in General Congress have planned the measures of resistance; on your courage and virtue do they rely for support in the execution of them. Let us, then, my countrymen, go hand in hand; let us have one voice; let us convince mankind that we are, as one man, actuated by one soul; and that if we are not, we still deserve to be free.

The mode of opposition recommended to us is an union and association of the Colonies, to breakoff all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, unless our grievances shall be redressed. And why is this plan reconmended to us? Surely because it is, of all others, the most safe, speedy, and effectual we can embrace, to restore that harmony to Britain and the Colonies we profess to desire. Rashness and violence can never avail us in the execution of this plan, and therefore we should avoid every conduct tending to so destructive an end; for how can this Association be observed, unless we establish arts and manufactures? How is it possible these should succeed, without peace, order, and the security of our property? And how can these be preserved, unless we discourage every kind of violence, by promoting a due respect for the laws of our country, as far as our unhappy circumstances will admit of it. The principles of the ever-glorious Revolution will always justify a suspension of the laws under like circumstances, but we should never enforce these principles, unless compelled thereto by extreme necessity. Prudence and moderation will give weight to our measures, whilst a contrary conduct will only serve to disunite us, and consequently to involve us in confusion. This is a doctrine which every friend to liberty and his country will inculcate, and on this will the success of our present undertaking chiefly depend. But whilst I recommend to you a temperate conduct, I would not have you to neglect that provision for your safety which the urgency of the case requires. On the contrary, I would advise you to look forward to every contingency, and be prepared for “mournful events.”

COMMITTEE OF YORKTOWN(PA.) TO PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.

Yorktown, July 1, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: We had the honour of receiving your favour of the 15th ultimo, enclosing a resolve of the honourable Continental Congress of the 14th ultimo. We immediately summoned the Committee of this County, and laid before them your letter, &c. The Committee proceeded to the choice of officers fit to be recommended