commands, and that we should be glad to see his Lordship at the head of them.

No power ever armed so many men in so short a time as has been done in this Country; it is computed that we have now above three hundred thousand men well armed, two-thirds of whom will fight from principle.

This Province has raised one thousand riflemen, the worst of whom will put a ball into a man’s head at the distance of one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards; therefore, advise your officers who shall hereafter come out to America to settle their affairs in England before their departure.

We are well assured that the ministerial tools in this Country have been tempting the Indians to fall on our frontiers, and in one Province it has been proved that they have endeavoured to set the negroes on their masters. Such hellish designs are carrying on by those wretches as must make any thing but the Devil, or Lord North and his tools, hide their heads.

We are, Sir, yours, &c.,

W. & T. BRADFORD.

NORTH-CAROLINA DELEGATES TO NEW-YORK CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, July 8, 1775.

SIR: The Committee of this City, a few days ago, transmitted to you an original letter from Governour Martin to Henry White, Esquire, from the contents of which it is very obvious that Governour Martin has formed designs very inimical to the friends of America. From authentick information we learn, that he is to receive a supply of gunpowder from General Gage via New-York, and that he has sent from North-Carolina a cutter armed to receive it. She is a small boat, rigged like a schooner, mounts a few swivels, and is commanded by a Mr. . . ., the Lieutenant of the Famous, man-of-war; the vessel was formerly purchased in New-York by Captain Collet. We in particular desire, in case she should arrive in your port, to know what steps you may think prudent to secure her and her cargo. She is probably to receive the gun powder from the Asia, or the other men-of-war lying in your harbour. We are, Sir, with great respect, your most obedient servants,

WILLIAM HOOPER,
JOSEPH HEWES.

NEW-YORK CONGRESS TO CHARLES THOMSON.

In Provincial Congress, New-York, July 8, 1775.

SIR: The Congress received yours of July 4, enclosing Governour Martin’s letter to Mr. Henry White, dated June 13th, and immediately appointed a Committee to confer with him on the subject. From the answers he gave to the Committee, and a letter received from him, (a copy of which is enclosed,) the Congress are fully satisfied that Mr. White’s conduct in this matter has been unexceptionable, and such as becomes the character of a good citizen. I am, Sir, &c.

By order:

P. V. B. LIVINGSTON, President.

To Charles Thomson, Esquire.

Saturday, July 8, 1775.

SIR: Three gentlemen of the Provincial Congress called upon me with an intercepted letter from Governour Martin, of North-Carolina, dated the 13th June, to send him a royal standard from hence. They desired to know if I had complied with his request, and whether I could inform them respecting the measures he was now pursuing; in answer to which I have to observe, that he some time ago wrote to me to send him such a standard, which I declined to do, lest it might be disagreeable to the people of this place, and wrote him to that purpose; which letter I apprehend miscarried, or he must have received it before the thirteenth of last month. With regard to the steps he has now taken in his Government, I am utterly unacquainted with; he has not communicated to me any particulars. Governour Martin is a gentleman I am intimately acquainted with, and have transacted business for him ever since he has been at North-Carolina; which accounts for his applying to me for the above standard. I imagine it will be believed I did not solicit the commission.

I am. Sir, &c.,

HENRY WHITE.

To Peter V, B, Livingston, Esquire.

MENDHAM (NEW-JERSEY) COMMITTEE.

July 8, 1775.

Whereas, the Committee of Observation for the Township of Mendham, in the County of Morris, having legally notified Ezekial Beach to appear before us, to answer sundry charges exhibited against him touching his unfriendly conversation and conduct towards the Continental Association: said Beach not appearing, we do agree for ourselves, and recommend it to all others, to break off all dealings or connection with him, agreeable to the Eleventh Article of the Continental Association. Signed by order of the Committee.

DAVID THOMPSON, Chairman.

GENERAL BURGOYNE TO GENERAL LEE.

Boston, July 8, 1775.

DEAR SIR: When we were last together in service I should not have thought it within the vicissitudes of human affairs that we should meet at any time, or in any sense, as foes. The letter you have honoured me with, and my own feelings, continue to prove we are still far from being personally such.

I claim no merit from the attentions you so kindly remember in the early periods of our acquaintance, but as they manifest how much it was my pride to be known to be your friend; nor have I departed from the duties of that character, when, I will not scruple to say, it has been almost general offence to maintain it: I mean since the violent part you have taken in the commotions of the Colonies.

It would exceed the limits and the propriety of our present correspondence to argue at full the great cause in which we are engaged. But anxious to preserve a consistent and ingenuous character, and jealous, I confess, of having the part I sustain imputed to such motives as you intimate, I will state to you, as concisely as I can, the principles upon which, not voluntarily, but most conscientiously, I undertook it.

I have, like you, entertained from infancy a veneration of publick liberty. I have likewise regarded the British Constitution as the best safeguard of that blessing to be found in the history of mankind.

The vital principle of the Constitution, in which it moves and has its being, is the supremacy of the King and Parliament; a compound, indefinite, indefeasible power, co-evil with the origin of the Empire, and co-extensive over all its parts.

I am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke, and other of the best advocates for the rights of mankind, upon the compacts always implied between the governing and the governed and the right of resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be so violated as to leave no other means of redress. I look with reverence, almost amounting to idolatry, upon those immortal Whigs who adopted and applied such doctrine during part of the reign of Charles the First, and in that of James the Second.

Should corruption pervade the three estates of the Realm, so as to pervert the great ends for which they were instituted, and make the power vested in them for the good of the whole people operate, like an abuse of the prerogative of the Crown, to general oppression, I am ready to acknowledge that the same doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against the abuses of the collective body of power, as against those of the Crown, or either of the other component branches separately: still always understood that no other means of redress can be obtained; a case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose when it relates to the whole, than when it relates to parts.

But in all cases that have existed or can be conceived, I hold that resistance, to be justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation or undue exercise of power, and that it is most criminal when directed against any power itself inherent in the Constitution.

And here you will immediately discern why I drew a line in the allusion I made above to the reign of Charles the First. Towards the close of it the true principle of resistance was changed, and a new system of Government projected accordingly. The Patriots, previous to the long Parliament, and during great part of it, as well as the glorious Revolutionists of 1688, resisted to vindicate and restore the Constitution; the Republicans resisted to subvert it.